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Member since: Fri Jun 7, 2019, 03:43 PM
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Insurance lobby chief calls Biden, Sanders health plans 'similarly bad'

Insurance lobby chief says Biden, Sanders health plans 'similarly bad'

The head of the nation's health insurance lobby on Wednesday said he does not see much difference between "Medicare for All," which is being championed by progressive Democratic presidential candidates, and the public option pushed by former Vice President Joe Biden.
Matt Eyles, president and CEO of America's Health Insurance Plans (AHIP), said Biden's public option would still have too much government involvement in the health care system.

"If you're creating a government-run option that essentially leverages price controls, and relies on a government-administered system, that doesn't create what would be a competitive playing field," Eyles told The Hill in an interview.

"It's more similar in some of the ... Medicare for All-type approaches than ... improving upon what the [Affordable Care Act] has," Eyles said.

Why it matters: It's not all about Medicare for All. Major players in the American health care system are attacking any proposals to expand Medicare with equal force. AHIP is a member of the Partnership for America's Health Care Future, an industry coalition of insurers, providers and drug companies, that formed to lobby against Medicare for All and public option proposals.


So, AHIP (a member of the Partnership for America's Health Care Future, an industry coalition of insurers, providers and drug companies, that formed to lobby against Medicare for All and public option proposals) hates BOTH Biden's and Sanders' health insurance plans. WHAT A SURPRISE. Not.

The Partnership for America's Health Care Future (an industry coalition of insurers, providers and drug companies) simply wants to keep the status quo, period. And the status quo isn't working for so many Americans.

If you are wondering about the next debate...


Inslee dropped out today, so he no longer factors into the next debate.

Joe Biden's Poll Numbers Mask an Enthusiasm Gap

There are signs of a disconnect between support for Mr. Biden in polls and excitement for his campaign on the ground in Iowa.
By Katie Glueck

Joseph R. Biden Jr. is coasting in the national polls. Surveys show him ahead of his Democratic rivals in hypothetical matchups against President Trump. He has maintained a lead in Iowa all summer, despite facing months of controversies over his record and his campaign missteps.

But less than two weeks before Labor Day, when presidential campaigns traditionally kick into high gear, there are signs of a disconnect between his relatively rosy poll numbers and excitement for his campaign on the ground here, in the state that begins the presidential nominating process.

In conversations with county chairs, party strategists and dozens of voters this week at Mr. Biden’s events, many Democrats in Iowa described a case for Mr. Biden, the former vice president, that reflected shades of the one his wife, Jill Biden, bluntly sketched out on Monday. “You may like another candidate better, but you have to look at who is going to win,” she said, citing Mr. Biden’s consistent lead in early surveys.

The first ad of Mr. Biden’s campaign, released this week in Iowa, flashed some of his positive poll results against Mr. Trump on screen, and voter after voter cited those numbers in outlining their support for him, saying that defeating the president was their most urgent priority.

There are signs of an enthusiasm gap among Iowa voters. “He’s doing O.K., but I think a lot of his initial strength was name recognition,” one county chairwoman said.

That stands in stark contrast to the way voters explain their support for candidates like Senator Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts, who drew 12,000 people to an event this week in Minnesota, Iowa’s northern neighbor, or Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont, who also draws large crowds and maintains a core base of die-hard fans.

They and others trail Mr. Biden in most polls and face plenty of their own skeptics, but they also have followings rooted in zealous support for their ideas rather than the political calculus that many voters describe in assessing Mr. Biden.

The former vice president certainly has devoted fans, in Iowa and around the country, and continues to enjoy good will and respect from Democratic voters.

But the risks of a campaign argument that is heavily reliant on strong poll numbers, which can be fickle in a tumultuous election, were on vivid display throughout Mr. Biden’s trip to Iowa, as voters repeatedly emphasized that their support for him was closely linked to what they perceived as his strength against Mr. Trump.

It’s a case they make even as polls have shown several other candidates, namely Mr. Sanders, Ms. Warren and Senator Kamala Harris of California, running strongly against Mr. Trump, and as strategists caution that such theoretical matchups are hardly predictive of an election that’s more than a year away. The polls at this early stage are also partly a reflection of a candidate’s name recognition.


The Iowa voters have seen more of Joe Biden than the country at large, that may explain why he is in a close contest with Warren and Sanders there, but has a more comfortable lead in national polls.

Iowa voters are seeing the actual 2019 version of Joe, not recalling from memory the 2008 Biden.

Poll shows Biden, Warren tied with Trump in Arizona

Former Vice President Joe Biden and Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) are statistically tied with President Trump in Arizona, a state that hasn't voted for a Democratic presidential candidate in a quarter century, according to a new poll.

The new survey conducted by OH Predictive Insights, a Phoenix-based nonpartisan pollster, shows Biden leading Trump by a 45 percent to 43 percent margin. Trump leads Warren 44 percent to 43 percent, the poll found.

Both results fall within the survey's margin of error, a sign that Trump will have to work harder to win Arizona's electoral votes than any Republican nominee this century.

The survey shows Trump running better against other potential Democratic nominees. He leads Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) 44 percent to 34 percent; he leads Sen. Kamala Harris (D-Calif.) 45 percent to 36 percent; and he leads South Bend, Ind., Mayor Pete Buttigieg (D) 43 percent to 38 percent.

Trump "is in the low- to mid-40s, which I'd say is a pretty big red flag," said Mike Noble, a Republican pollster and managing partner and chief of research at OH Predictive Insights. "He's not doing himself any favors for 2020 in a state he won in 2016."

In the group's last survey, conducted in May just after Biden entered the race, Trump led every Democratic candidate except Biden by a statistically significant margin. The May survey showed Biden leading Trump 49 percent to 44 percent.

Since that last survey, Noble said, Trump's approval ratings have sagged — and they have taken his head-to-head numbers against Democrats down with them. As a consequence, Trump now appears vulnerable in a state that has rarely been competitive at the presidential level.


The Summer of Warren

Julia Ioffe joins Elizabeth Warren on the campaign trail, where the surging senator has spent the season overcoming her campaign's wobbly start and getting down to business—trouncing debate foes, climbing in the polls, and somehow making a slew of policy plans feel exciting. Suddenly, she's winning over Democrats by making the grandest ideas sound perfectly sensible, including her biggest pitch of all: That she's the one to beat Trump.

There is a story Warren has been telling lately, one that explains how she learned the words that have come to define her career—first as a law professor, and more recently as a politician: mortgage, foreclosure, bankruptcy. Long before she encountered them as cold legal terms, those words had a more powerful meaning as the ones whispered late at night by her parents in Oklahoma. This was after her father’s heart attack, when he’d spend long stretches out of work. The family had sold off the station wagon, but it wasn’t enough to keep the creditors at bay.

One spring day, 12-year-old Betsy found herself standing in her mother’s bedroom. “Laid out on the bed was the dress,” Warren nearly whispered to a crowd one scorching afternoon in Elkhart, Indiana. “Some of you in here know the dress,” she went on, scanning the predominantly silver-haired room. “It’s the one that only comes out for weddings, funerals, and graduations.” A faint and knowing “yeah” echoed where I sat. “And there’s my mom, and she’s in her slip and her stockinged feet, and she’s pacing and she’s crying. And she’s saying, ‘We will not lose this house. We will not lose this house. We will not lose this house.’ ” The audience was silent as she delivered the line, her voice crackling with tears.

Warren tells this story at each of her town halls, sometimes more than once a day, and every time she tells it, she is on the verge of crying. She doesn’t in the end, but people in the audience do. At every single event I attended, I saw people wiping away tears when she told the story. It was a masterful summoning of sentiment that calls to mind a method actor dredging up the same emotion in the same play, night after night, for a months-long run.

American voters demand authenticity of their candidates, despite the obvious and calculated performance of a political race. I wanted to know what happens in that moment—how does Warren manage to move a crowd to tears despite the repetition? I wanted to ask her if what I heard in her voice was real.

“It’s just Trump trying to find his way to be insulting," Warren says of the president's attacks against her. "But it’s not going to work this time around.”

“Because I’m back in that room,” she told me, her eyes suddenly brimming. “I can describe the shade of the carpet to you and the bedspread, and I’m there with my mother. And I’m not only there as the little girl standing in the doorway, I’m there in my mother’s heart.” Her voice dropped to a whisper, her eyes blinked away the extra moisture. “She was so frightened,” Warren went on, reprising the story of how her mother—who, at 50, had never worked outside the home—walked to the local Sears, got a minimum-wage job, and saved the family from foreclosure.

“I knew how scary it was by the time I was standing in that doorway,” Warren said, her voice gravelly. “I’d heard her cry night after night after night, and I think that for kids sometimes, it’s harder to hear a parent cry, knowing they won’t do it in front of you. That’s really scary.”


Jill Biden: 'Maybe you have to swallow a little' and vote for Joe

Former second lady Jill Biden made an unusually honest pitch to voters on Monday for her husband to be the 2020 Democratic presidential nominee.

“I know that not all of you are committed to my husband, and I respect that,” she said at a campaign event in Nashua, N.H. “But I want you to think about your candidate, his or her electability, and who’s going to win this race.”

“Your candidate might be better on, I don’t know, health care, than Joe is,” she continued. “But you’ve got to look at who’s going to win this election. And maybe you have to swallow a little bit and say, ‘OK, I personally like so and so better,’ but your bottom line has to be that we have to beat Trump.”


Ah. Back to the "Only Joe Biden can win" strategy. Sorry, Jill, way to early to commit to that.

Too many polls beg to differ. Warren, Sanders, Harris, Buttigieg and even a few other candidates all have head to head polls showing they would also defeat Trump.

Let's see what the polls say after a few more debates. I bet all the Democratic candidates numbers go up against Trump even more.

National poll finds tight race between Biden, Sanders and Warren

BY JONATHAN EASLEY - 08/21/19 01:12

A new national survey of the Democratic presidential primary finds a three-way race for the nomination, with former Vice President Joe Biden barely leading Sens. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) and Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.).

The latest poll from The Economist-YouGov finds Biden at 22 percent support, followed by Sanders at 19 percent and Warren at 17 percent. Sen. Kamala Harris (D-Calif.) registers 8 percent support and South Bend, Ind., Mayor Pete Buttigieg comes in at 7 percent.

The Economist-YouGov survey finds a closer race nationally than most other polls. Biden leads the field by nearly 13 points in the RealClearPolitics average, with most other recent surveys putting his level of support in the 30 percent range.

Sanders has surged back into contention, according to the new poll, gaining more than any other candidate over the same survey from last month. That poll found Biden at 25 percent, followed by Warren at 18 and Sanders at 13.

But Warren might have the most room to grow — 50 percent of Democrats surveyed said they’re considering voting for her, compared to 45 percent who said the same of Biden and 44 percent who said they’re considering Sanders.


Biden's margin with black voters probably won't yield the advantage it did for Hillary Clinton

By Philip Bump July 25

So, in the abstract, this would seem like good news for Biden: a big lead with black voters pushing him to the front of the pack, just as it did Clinton.

There are three problems Biden faces, however, that Clinton didn’t. (Even setting aside the essential, point-it-out-at-least-three-times caveat that the field is in so much flux.)

To illustrate the problem, we’ll look at polling conducted in early-voting states this month by CBS and YouGov. Across the polled states, Biden gets 41 percent of the vote from black voters, more than twice the next-closest candidate. Among white voters in those states, he trails Warren.

Notice the margins here, though. Clinton won the states identified above by an average of 69 points. Those are run-up-the-score margins in places with a lot of black voters. A 20-point advantage, like the one Biden has in the CBS-YouGov poll, isn’t bad — but it’s not dominant. That’s the first problem.

That poll used its results to project how the top Democratic candidates might do in delegate counting after the voting was over. Delegate tallies rely on complicated math that’s not worth getting into here (read up, if you wish), but the point is straightforward: Biden is projected to lead once delegates from California, Texas, New Hampshire, Iowa and South Carolina are counted.

Notice, though, that his margins are often subtle. South Carolina stands out as a big burst for Biden, a reflection of the numbers at the top of this article. In California, though, he gets only about 20 more delegates than Warren or that state’s senator Kamala D. Harris. In Texas, he fares a bit better, picking up 25 more delegates than Warren. The advantage in South Carolina is his largest, at 32.

This is only five states, though, including the megastate of California, which wasn’t in the mix in 2016. California essentially replaces Georgia on the Super Tuesday calendar — trading a heavily black state for a more diverse one. A more diverse one with way more delegates and a high-profile home-state candidate. That’s the second problem.

The third problem is already visible above. The breakdown of delegates in Texas, per that YouGov analysis, is as follows:

Biden 92
Warren 67
O’Rourke 48
Sanders 18
Harris 3

It’s not a head-to-head contest in 2020. It’s a head-to-head-to-head-to-(repeat 200 times)-head contest. That means that the delegate totals aren’t divvied up between Clinton and Sanders but, instead, between whichever candidates hit the required baseline in voting. It’s harder to pull away in part because the field is so big in the first place.

As we like to point out, leading the pack isn’t a bad place to be, certainly. But Biden’s position in polls shows both his strength and some ways in which his path forward might be trickier than Clinton’s was three years ago — and it’s not like her path to the nomination wasn’t without potholes.


Gov. Jay Inslee hits the 130k donor threshold


Secret Democratic cloning Program to defeat tRump Revealed

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