For the strategists of the 2003 invasion of Iraq, the answer to the question of "where to stick the needles" appears to have been everywhere. During the 1991 Gulf War, roughly three hundred Tomahawk cruise missiles were fired over the course of five weeks. In 2003, more than three hundred and eighty were launched in a single day. Between March 20 and May 2, the weeks of the "major combat," the US military dropped more than thirty thousand bombs on Iraq, as well as twenty thousand precision-guided cruise missiles-67 percent of the total number ever made.
"I am so scared," Yasmine Musa, a Baghdad mother of three said during the bombings. "Not a single minute passes by without hearing and feeling a drop of a bomb somewhere. I don't think a single meter in the whole of Iraq is safe." That meant Shock and Awe was doing it's job. In open defiance of the laws of war barring collective punishment, Shock and Awe is a military doctrine that prides itself on not merely targeting the enemy's military forces but, as the authors stress, the "society writ at large"- mass fear is a key part of the strategy.
Another element that distinguishes Shock and Awe is its acute consciousness of a war as a cable news spectacle, one playing to several audiences at once: the enemy, Americans at home and anyone else thinking of making trouble. "When the video results of these attacks are broadcasted in real time worldwide on CNN, the positive impact on coalition support and negative impact on potential threat support can be decisive," the Shock and Awe manual states. From the start, the invasion was conceived as a message from Washington to the world, one spoken in the language of fireballs, deafening explosions and city-shattering quakes. In The One Percent Doctrine, Ron Suskind explains that for Rumsfeld and Cheney, "the primary impetus for invading Iraq" was the desire "to create a demostration model to guide the behavior of anyone with the temerity to acquire destructive weapons or, in anyway, flout the authority of the United States." Less than a war strategy, it was a "global experiment in behaviorism."
Shock And Awe is often presented as merely a strategy of over-whelming firepower, but the authors of the doctrine see it as much more than that: it is, they claim, a sophisticated psychological blueprint aimed "directly at the public will of the adversary to resist." The tools are familiar from another arm of the US military complex: sensory deprivation and sensory overload, designed to induce disorientation and regression. With clear echoes of the CIA's interrogation manuals, "Shock and Awe" states, "In crude terms, Rapid Dominance would seize control of the enivonment and paralyze or so overload an adversary's perceptions and understanding of events." the goal is "rendering the adversary completely impotent." This includes such strategies as "real-time manipulation of senses and imputs....literally 'turning on and off' the 'lights' that enable any potential aggressor to see or appreciate the conditions and events concerning his forces and ultimately, his society' as well as depriving the enemy, in specific areas, of the ability to communicate, observe." The country of Iraq was being subjected to this experiment in mass torture for months, with the process beginning well before the bombs started falling.
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