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The ABCs of the Economic Crisis, Capitalism on the Ropes?

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Crewleader Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Thu Oct-29-09 07:56 AM
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The ABCs of the Economic Crisis, Capitalism on the Ropes?
Oct 29, 2009 - 07:17 AM

By: Mike_Whitney


Interview with Michael D. Yates and Fred Magdoff



1. Mike Whitney---In your new book, "The ABCs of the Economic Crisis: What Working People Need to Know", you allude to right wing think tanks, like the Heritage Foundation and the American Enterprise Institute, which promote a "free market" ideology. How successful have these organizations been in shaping public attitudes about capitalism? Do you think that attitudes are beginning to change now that people understand the role that Wall Street and the big banks played in creating the crisis? ("The ABCs of the Economic Crisis: What Working People Need to Know" By Fred Magdoff and Michael Yates, Monthly Review Press)

Michael Yates: Corporate America began to wage what turned out to be a one-sided war against working people in the mid-to late-1970s, when it became apparent that the post-World War Two "Golden Age" of U.S. capitalism was over. As profit rates fell, businesses began to develop a strategy for restoring them. This strategy had many prongs, and one of them was ideological, that is, a struggle for "hearts and minds," to use a military term now being applied to Afghanistan. The presumed failure of Keynesian economics, marked by the simultaneous existence of escalating inflation and unemployment, gave the ideological struggle its foundation. Maybe there had been too many restrictions placed on the market, and these restrictions (minimum wages, health and safety regulations, laws facilitating union organizing in labor markets; public assistance in the form of money grants, housing subsidies, and the like; restrictions on the flow of money internationally) had led to results opposite those that liberal Keynesians had thought most likely. If these complex arguments could be tied to simple cliches, like "get the government off our backs," "the unions have gotten too powerful" (with always a hint that they are too radical thrown into the argument), and "welfare queens" (with that always popular whiff of racism), they could provide ideological cover for what was really a matter of corporate economics, namely the making of money.

This ideological attack bore fruit quickly. President Carter appointed Paul Volcker to chair the Federal Reserve Board of Governors, and Volcker, under the guise of fighting inflation, immediately began to snuff the life out of working class communities by forcing interest rates up to nearly 20 percent. Today, Volcker is treated like a hero by Democrats and above reproach (though ignored by President Obama’s more right-wing economic advisors), which shows just how far to the right economic discourse has moved. What Carter began, Reagan completed, firing the Air Traffic Controllers and putting the nail in labor’s coffin. Behind the scenes in all of this and growing in strength for the next twenty years (funded by wealthy business leaders) or so were the right-wing think tanks you mention. Just as retired generals go to work for military contractors and defeated politicians become lobbyists, government economic advisors get jobs at Heritage or the American Enterprise Institute or the Cato Institute. The staffs of these ideological centers churn out endless position papers and studies, which find their way into our newspapers and the offices of our congresspersons. A gigantic network of professors, journalists, politicians, lobbyists, and, today, a television network (Fox) bombard us with right-wing propaganda. That all of this has been successful is seen by the fact that the shibboleths of neoliberalism—such as the needs for privatization of public entities, the free reign of markets, the obviousness of the success of welfare reform, the evils of raising the minimum wage—are all commonplaces today.


While the public now knows that something is rotten, I am not sure that neoliberal ideas are so under attack that they will lose their sway. I think that the tenacity of these ideas owes something to the lack of an ideological alternative, which, in turn, is due to the abject failure of organized labor to provide one. For example, we need universal health care. Labor, however, has not consistently argued in favor of this or supported it at all. Now Congress is poised to enact healthcare legislation that might well be worse than the profit-driven system we have all come to hate. Labor should refuse to support this legislation, but I doubt it will. Then, when the new healthcare plans fail to deliver the goods, the right-wing will be lying in wait, ready to pounce and say, "See, we told you so. The government always makes things worse." In other words, until there is a radical ideology to replace right-wing thinking, the latter is unlikely to lose its drawing power.

http://www.marketoracle.co.uk/Article14600.html
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wuvuj Donating Member (874 posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Thu Oct-29-09 08:00 AM
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1. And so...victims continue to shoot themselves...
...in the foot.
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fasttense Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Thu Oct-29-09 08:29 AM
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2. There is no concerted effort to offer a different economic picture
like there is on the right. A handful of economists, union leaders, and talk show hosts, point out how the "free" market, Milton Friedman, Chicago School, supply side and trickle down economics, have ALL turned out to be WRONG.

But as soon as they do, Ayn, the worshiper of money, Rand Institute and other think tanks immediately come out with something totally opposite and NOT based in reality. If you are not careful you can fall for their spotty logic and irrational theories.

Even Democratic politicians are still cheering on the "free" market. Look at Obama's selection for his economic team. Are any of them NOT "free" market enthusiasts? Has he done anything about NAFTA? Has even Buy American been promoted?

We've all been conned by it to some extent and it will take decades to work it's way out of our social institutions. Unless, of course, there is another, bigger crash, that hurts even more people so much so that they get up and protest.
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