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http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/nationworld/chi-0504150303apr15,1,2052256.story?coll=chi-newsnationworld-hedIt's a pay for site, but the story is not as important as a name I have seen quite a bit lately. Tongsun ParkLike a bad penny this bastard always turns up. Anyway here is the low down on him Tongsun Park Round-Up http://64.233.167.104/search?q=cache:3EcoGE_KVyQJ:www.rickross.com/reference/unif/Unif11.html+%22Tongsun+Park%22&hl=enMoon, like Tongsun Park, showed a keen understanding of the use of imagery in building political influence. Just as Tongsun Park used his close relationship with a few Congressmen to attract others, Moon used the names and pictures of prominent Americans, Japanese, Koreans, and others to create an image of power and respectability for himself and his movement. The multifaceted Moon Organization thereby obtained the help and cooperation of numerous Americans who had no idea they were contributing to Moons plan for world theocracy. Like Tongsun Park and others who conducted pro-ROK influence activities in the United States, Moon and his organization acted from a mixture of motives and objectives. Service to Korea was combined with a desire to advance personal and organizational goals. Like Tongsun Park and others, Moon and his organization attempted to gain influence in Seoul through activities in the United States; to this end, the Moon Organization exaggerated its success in the United States to create influence in Korea and elsewhere. Thus, although the Moon Organization often acted for the ROK Government -- even to the point of accepting money for its services -- control and influence over Korean political institutions was no less a goal there than in the United States. In this respect, the Moon Organization was not an agent of influence for the ROK Government so much as it was a volatile factor in Korean-American relations, capable of distorting the perceptions each country held of the other. In the United States, for example, Moon has aroused widespread antipathy. To the extent that his organizations activities here are associated with Korea or the Korean Government, there is potential harm to Korean-American relations. Recent attempts by the ROK Government to dissociate itself from Moon seemed to recognize this problem. However, these attempts at dissociation came only in the context of a public controversy over Moon, investigations into Korean influence activities, and strained relations between the two countries. The misuse of the names of prominent Americans by the KCFF was of concern to U.S. Government agencies as early as 1966. Much of the executive branchs early awareness of Korean influence activities in the United Sates -- including those of Tongsun Park -- arose from State Department and congressional inquiries into KCFF publicity and fundraising activities. However, these activities were not then perceived to be linked to Moo. Later, when Moons activities generated publicity in the United Sates, there were numerous requests to the executive branch, as well as to the Congress and to State and local authorities, for information about Moon and for investigations of his organizations activities. The response to these inquiries was fragment. Numerous investigations were launched by agencies such as the NEC, INS, and Depart- http://64.233.167.104/search?q=cache:5dtUSs-lb3cJ:www.whatreallyhappened.com/RANCHO/LIE/HK/HK2.html+%22Tongsun+Park%22&hl=en ROBERT KEITH GRAY- PRIVATE SPOOK? Robert Keith Gray, who set up Hill and Knowlton's important Washington, D.C. office and ran it for most of the time between 1961 and 1992, has had numerous contacts in the national and international intelligence community. The list of his personal and professional associates includes Edwin Wilson, William Casey, Tongsun Park (Korean CIA), Rev. Sun Myung Moon, Anna Chennault (Gray was a board member of World Airways aka Flying Tigers), Neil Livingstone, Ro- bert Owen, and Oliver North. "Most of the International Division clients," said
Susan Trento, "were right-wing governments tied closely to the
intelligence community or businessmen with the same associations."
In 1965, with Gray's help, Tongsun Park, had formed the George Town
Club in Washington. According to Trento:
Park put up the money and, with introductions from Gray and others,
recruited "founders" for the club like the late Marine Gen. Graves
Erskine, who had an active intelligence career. Anna Chennault became
a force in the club. Others followed, and most, like Gray, had the
same conservative political outlook, connections to the intelligence
world, or `congressional overtones.' Gray's ties to right-wing Asians
like Chennault and Park had deep roots. Gray had been critical of
Eisenhower for
never being partisan enough. Perhaps that is why Gray embraced
wholeheartedly the powers behind the China Lobby. One reason Gray was
attached to the lobby was that they had long been behind the funding
of Richard Nixon's various campaigns.
Tongsun Park was an "agent of influence," trained by the Korean
intelligence agency, which was created by and is widely regarded as a
subsidiary of the CIA. The George Town Club has served as a discrete
meeting place where right-wing foreign intelligence agents can
socialize and conduct business with U.S. government officials.
Robert Gray has also been linked with former CIA and naval
intelligence agent Edwin Wilson, although Gray denies it. In 1971,
Wilson left the CIA and set up a series of new front companies for a
secret Navy operation-Task Force 157. Wilson says that Robert Gray
"was on the Board . We had an agreement that anything
that H&K didn't want, they would throw to me so that I could make some
money out of it, and Bob and I would share that."
http://64.233.167.104/search?q=cache:1GiVLRIMrbQJ:www.american-buddha.com/unauthor.bio.bush.23.1.htm+%22Tongsun+Park%22&hl=en
In November, 1987, Noriega was visited by Bush's former vice presidential chief of staff, Admiral Daniel J. Murphy. Murphy had left Bush's office in 1985 to go into the international consulting business. Murphy was accompanied on his trip by Tongsun Park, a protagonist of the 1976 Koreagate scandal which had served Bush so well. Murphy claimed that Park was part of a group of international businessmen who had sent him to Panama to determine if Murphy could help in "restoring stability in Panama" as a representative of the businessmen or of the Panamanian government, a singular cover story. "I was really there trying to find out whether there was negotiating room between him and the opposition," Murphy said in early 1988. There were reports that Murphy, who had conferred with NSC chief Colin Powell, Don Gregg and Elliott Abrams of the State Department before he went to Panama, had told Noriega that he could stay in office through early 1989 if he allowed political reforms, free elections, and a free press, but Murphy denied having done this. It is still not known with precision what mission Murphy was sent to Panama to perform for Bush.
http://64.233.167.104/search?q=cache:i4RkS0BLbFIJ:www.larouchepub.com/other/2002/2942moonie_targt.html+%22Tongsun+Park%22&hl=en
There were two Buckley epigones who were assigned the task of forging the alliance with their Asian partners at the KCIA and the Unification Church: Morris Liebman and Tongsun Park. A Korean-born, but American-educated YAF operative, Tongsun Park worked closely with Col. Bo Hi Pak, when the South Korean spook and Moon Church controller came to Washington, shortly after the launching of APACL, as the South Korean military attach. The Colonel's primary assignment was to oversee the buildup of Moonie operations in the United States.
....
The Moon organization, the Korean Cultural and Freedom Foundation, and other South Korean influence-peddling outfits went hog-wild in Washington, D.C. during the 1970s. At one point, Moon was accused of running a 300-woman prostitution ring, infiltrating Congressional offices, in league with "Republic of Korea lobbyist" and Buckley protg Tongsun Park. Through the Washington, D.C.-headquartered Diplomat National Bank, Moon and Park spread vast sums of money all over Capitol Hill and K Street. It was a recipe that Moon would repeat over and over again.
http://64.233.167.104/search?q=cache:f-iPltYPO_oJ:www.time.com/time/archive/printout/0,23657,914710,00.html+%22Tongsun+Park%22&hl=en
Koreagate on Capitol Hill?
Time Monday, Nov. 29, 1976
New Revelations. So far the scandal has been focused on cash gifts to U.S. politicians who might have clout in decisions involving aid to the Park Chung Hee regime in South Korea. New revelations continue to reinforce the impression that, as one congressional leader admitted, "there's a lot of Korean money around, and a lot of guys are involved." Among the main figures in the federal probes of Korean influence peddling: former Representative Richard Hanna of California, a silent partner in an import-export business run by Tongsun Park, a Washington-based Korean businessman with a yen for winning friends in high places; Louisiana Democrat Otto Passman, a longtime Park crony; and former New Jersey Congressman Cornelius Gallagher. Meanwhile, on another front, there are charges that the Korean Central Intelligence Agency (KCIA) has been carrying out both open and "black" (undercover) operations in the U.S. on a broad scale.
http://64.233.167.104/search?q=cache:4iX_Uj-c8QQJ:www.dcbar.org/for_lawyers/resources/legends_in_the_law/hundley.cfm+%22Tongsun+Park%22&hl=en
A Conversation With William G. Hundley
(As appeared in The Washington Lawyer, November 2001)
The next big scandal in which you represented a client was Koreagate. What did that case involve?
Tongsun Park was the exclusive South Korean rice agent in this country. At that time South Korea imported virtually all of its rice, and he distributed white envelopes to influence senators and congressmen. When he was indicted, he fled to Korea. We didn’t have an extradition treaty with Korea at that time and they weren’t sending him back. Congress really wanted him to testify, so they threatened to cut off aid to Korea. As a result of this political situation I got really lucky and the Justice Department granted Park transactional immunity. The irony is the Koreans would have sent him back anyway if they had waited just a little longer.
The Justice Department indicted the biggest recipient of Park’s largess, a Louisiana congressman named Otto Passman, for corruption and bribery. They also charged him with tax evasion in the same indictment. Including the tax evasion charge was a mistake, because it allowed him to get the case transferred to his hometown of Monroe, Louisiana, and they loved Passman down there. I went there for the trial and I’d go into restaurants with Park and people would get up and leave. I called the defense lawyer, who happened to be a pretty good friend of mine, and said, “What do you think a Monroe, Louisiana, jury is going to think of Tongsun Park?” He said, “I don’t know.” I was taken aback. “What do you mean you don’t know? You’ve tried a million cases here?” “I don’t think they’ve ever seen a Korean before,” he said.
I thought the prosecution presented a pretty good case. But when the defense attorney got up to cross-examine Tongsun Park, he carried a big map of Korea. He didn’t even touch the merits of the case. He identified South Korea and noted that it’s right under North Korea and next to China. Then he pointed out that North Korea and China are totalitarian communist states. The jury was out less than 90 minutes, and they acquitted Passman on every charge.
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