and hasn't read the history or the precedents-
Basically, all you post are assertions and apologies- aimed at letting Rove & Meiers off the hook.
While the separation of powers/executive privilege cases come from a slightly different context- they are still apposite (among other things, we'd be looking at criminal proceedings for contempt).
US v. Nixon sets out the rationale:
....neither the doctrine of separation of powers, nor the need for confidentiality of high-level communications, without more, can sustain an absolute, unqualified Presidential privilege of immunity from judicial process under all circumstances. The President's need for complete candor and objectivity from advisers calls for great deference from the courts.
However, when the privilege depends solely on the broad, undifferentiated claim of public interest in the confidentiality of such conversations, a confrontation with other values arises. Absent a claim of need to protect military, diplomatic, or sensitive national security secrets, we find it difficult to accept the argument that even the very important interest in confidentiality of Presidential communications is significantly diminished by production of such material for in camera inspection with all the protection that a district court will be obliged to provide. <418 U.S. 683, 707>
http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/scripts/getcase.pl?navby=CASE&court=US&vol=418&page=683Of course, there is no claim of privilege when criminal behavior is alleged. While the firing themselves
may have been legal, the actions in the cover-up are not.
If Congress issues subpoena's compelling Rove & Meiers, to appear- and they refused to testify, they would be held in criminal contempt of Congress- most likely by the House, where a simple majority would suffice.
"Once the contempt motion is voted out of either chamber, the U.S. attorney for the District of Columbia, Jeffrey Taylor, would impanel a grand jury to seek indictments on those officials who refused to testify. The case would first be heard in U.S. District Court here, then move to the appellate court and, ultimately, to the Supreme Court.
In the end, it is Congress that almost always holds the upper hand, notes Lanny Davis, a partner at Orick Herrington & Sutcliffe and a former special counsel to President Bill Clinton, whose senior staffers were served with numerous subpoenas to testify before Congress — and almost always did.
“No matter how you begin, it goes into an endless loop. You stand up on principle, then Congress yells ‘What are you hiding?’ and you give in,” he says.
See, i.e.
http://www.law.com/jsp/dc/PubArticleDC.jsp?id=1174381417390&rss=dcIn addition, you might be interested in reading what John Dean has to say (he knows a little about this area). Not that he or I care about convincing you....
http://writ.lp.findlaw.com/dean/20070323.html