October 12, 2021

Rapper Tyga (Kylie Jenner's ex) arrested on felony charges in L.A. for beating ex-GF Camaryn Swanson

https://pagesix.com/2021/10/12/tyga-arrested-on-felony-domestic-violence-charge/

Tyga has been arrested on a felony domestic violence charge following allegations of abuse by his ex-girlfriend, Camaryn Swanson. The Los Angeles Police Department’s Hollywood division booked the “Rack City” rapper — real name Michael Ray Nguyen-Stevenson — Tuesday morning, according to the department’s media relations division, which tweeted the news. He was later released after posting $50,000 in bail.



The 31-year-old rapper turned himself in Tuesday after refusing to speak with police Monday at his home.

A source close to Tyga claimed to TMZ that Swanson showed up at his house at 3 a.m. Monday “shouting” on his doorstep and seemingly intoxicated, at which point he let her in and the situation escalated. However, the 22-year-old model alleges that the rapper sent a car for her while the couple was seemingly in the process of breaking up. Swanson filed a police report Monday after leaving the rapper’s house, where the alleged incident took place.

Swanson posted receipts of her text conversation with the “Taste” artist that purportedly show he in fact sent a car for her, and added a direct rebuttal to TMZ in her Instagram Story: “I didn’t show up ‘screaming’ or uninvited. When I tried to leave he physically assaulted [me] and refused to let me leave for hours.” “I’m so embarrassed and ashamed it had to get to this but I have to stand up for myself,” Swanson wrote alongside images of injuries allegedly inflicted by Tyga.



https://twitter.com/Hakeemofficial6/status/1447833120783413248

October 12, 2021

Carville-I don't think this man (Merrick Garland) knows whether to wind his ass or scratch his watch

https://www.thedailybeast.com/either-merrick-garland-gets-to-work-or-we-can-kiss-democracy-goodbye?ref=home




https://play.acast.com/s/the-new-abnormal/carville-eitherdemsholdonorkissdemocracy-sassgoodbye

https://open.spotify.com/episode/4HNBk3NUDADX2Asv7P4sET

October 12, 2021

The Pandora Papers and the threat to democracy

In demonstrating how some of the world’s most powerful people hide their wealth, the Pandora Papers have exposed the details of a global system.

https://socialeurope.eu/the-pandora-papers-and-the-threat-to-democracy


Andrej Babiš, Czechia’s fifth wealthiest man, lost the general election held days after he was named in the Pandora Papers

The ‘Pandora Papers’, a new investigation led by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists, has fuelled outrage around the world. Politicians, businesspeople, sports stars and cultural icons have been caught in the act of hiding their wealth and lying about it. But how likely is a reckoning for the lawyers and accountants who helped them? There is nothing new about the practices the ICIJ’s investigation uncovered. True, the sheer scale, sophistication and legal firepower deployed to allow today’s ultra-rich and powerful to game the law may be newsworthy. But the only truly shocking revelation is that it took more than 600 journalists from around the world to expose these practices, often risking their own safety and professional futures. The difficulty of that task attests to how well lawyers, legislatures and courts have tilted the law in favour of elites.

Centuries-old strategies

To hide their wealth, today’s rich and powerful have availed themselves of centuries-old legal coding strategies. In 1535, King Henry VIII of England cracked down on a legal device known as ‘the use’, because it threatened to undermine existing (feudal) property relations and served as a tax-avoidance vehicle. But thanks to clever legal arbitrage, it was soon replaced by an even more powerful device—‘the trust’. Legally encoded by solicitors and recognised by courts of equity, the trust remains one of the most ingenious legal tools ever invented for the creation and preservation of private wealth. In the old days, it allowed the wealthy to circumvent inheritance rules. Today, it is the go-to vehicle for tax avoidance and for structuring financial assets, including asset-backed securities and their derivatives. Functionally, a trust alters the rights and obligations to an asset without observing the formal rules of property law; it thus creates a shadow property right. Establishing a trust requires an asset—such as land, shares or bonds—and three personae: an owner (settlor), a manager (trustee) and a beneficiary. The owner transfers legal title (though not necessarily actual possession) over the asset to the trustee, who promises to manage it on behalf of the beneficiary in accordance with the owner’s instructions. Nobody else needs to know about this arrangement, because there is no requirement to register the title or disclose the identities of the parties. This lack of transparency makes the trust the perfect vehicle for playing hide-and-seek with creditors and tax authorities. And because legal title and economic benefits are split among the three personae, nobody willingly assumes the obligations that come with ownership.

Favoured legal device

The trust became a favoured legal device for global elites not through some invisible hand of the market but rather by purposeful legal design. Lawyers pushed existing legal boundaries, courts recognised and enforced their innovations and then lawmakers (many of them presumably beholden to wealthy donors) codified those practices into statute. As previous restrictions were stripped away, trust law expanded its remit. These legal changes ensured that an ever-greater array of assets could be held in trust and that the role of the trustee could be delegated to legal persons rather than honourable individuals such as judges. Moreover, fiduciary duties were curtailed, the trustees’ liability was limited and the lifespan of the trust became increasingly elastic. Together, these legal adaptations made the trust fit for global finance. Countries which lacked this device were encouraged to emulate it. An international treaty, the 1985 Hague Convention on Trusts, was adopted with this goal in mind. In countries where lawmakers have resisted the pressure to sanction trusts, lawyers have fashioned equivalent devices from the laws governing foundations, associations or corporations—betting (often correctly) that courts would vindicate their innovations.

Tax and legal arbitrage

While some jurisdictions have gone out of their way to be legally hospitable to private wealth creation, others have tried to crack down on tax and legal arbitrage. But legal restrictions work only if the legislature controls which law is practised within its jurisdiction. In the age of globalisation, most legislatures have been effectively stripped of such control, because law has become portable. If one country does not have the ‘right’ law, another one might. As long as the place of business recognises and enforces foreign law, the legal and accounting paperwork can be channelled to the friendliest foreign jurisdiction and the deed is done. National legal systems thus have become items on an international menu of options from which asset holders choose the laws by which they wish to be governed. They don’t need a passport or a visa—all they need is a legal shell. Assuming a new legal identity in this way, the privileged few can decide how much to pay in taxes and which regulations to endure. And if legal obstacles cannot be overcome quite that easily, lawyers from leading global law firms will draft legislation to make a country compliant with the ‘best practices’ of global finance. Here, tax and trust havens such as South Dakota and the British Virgin Islands offer the gold standard. The costs of these practices are borne by the least mobile and the insufficiently wealthy. But turning law into a goldmine for the rich and powerful causes harm well beyond the immediate inequities it generates. By potentially undermining the legitimacy of the law, it threatens the very foundation of democratic governance. The more that wealthy elites and their lawyers insist that everything they do is legal, the less the public will trust the law. Today’s global elites might be able to continue to conjure private wealth from law. But no resource can be mined forever. Once lost, trust in the law will be difficult to regain. The wealthy will have lost their most valuable asset of all.

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October 12, 2021

This is going to be a huge problem in 2022, 2024 and future political campaigns. (deepfakes)

https://twitter.com/donwinslow/status/1447343221193936901

Synthetic Media: How deepfakes could soon change our world

Synthetic media, better known as deepfakes, could be a goldmine for filmmakers. But the technology has already terrorized women who have had their faces inserted into pornography. And it could potentially disrupt society.

https://www.cbsnews.com/news/deepfake-artificial-intelligence-60-minutes-2021-10-10/





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October 12, 2021

Dave Chappelle's Trumpian claims of 'cancel culture' are laughable

https://edition.cnn.com/2021/10/11/opinions/dave-chappelle-netflix-the-closer-cane/index.html

Dave Chappelle apparently has an unusual obsession with the LGBTQ community. In his 72-minute Netflix special, "The Closer," the 48-year-old spent roughly half his routine ranting about all things LGBTQ. I've seen queer comedians spend less time on the LGBTQ community than Chappelle does. For years, Dave Chappelle has used his platform to comment on a community he is not a part of. Back in 2017, he "joked" about reassignment surgery and played into the trope that trans women trick straight men into sex. That same year, he mocked gay men in the dated "gay voice." In his 2019 Netflix special "Stick & Stones," Chappelle rants continuously about the trans community and complained about anyone who criticized him. Even outside of his work, Chappelle inexplicably called R&B singer Daniel Caesar "very gay" on Instagram Live in 2019.

In his new special, Chappelle treads many of the same paths -- while laughing all the way to the bank. I am not saying Chappelle isn't a comedy legend. Nor am I commenting on whether people might find his latest special funny. But Chappelle seems, for several years now, more fixated on LGBTQ folks than in my experience, many of us are on ourselves. In "The Closer," which ostensibly takes on cancel culture, Chappelle appears convinced the LGBTQ community is as focused on him as he is on them. I can assure you, queer people wouldn't be speaking out against Chappelle if he didn't incessantly rant about them. Chappelle implies "that community" is too sensitive and quickly shouts "cancel culture" at his critics. Let's be clear, he's not canceled: Chappelle's shows sell out, he lands major deals with streaming services and was awarded the Mark Twain Prize for American Humor in 2019. Just because Chappelle is criticized on social media and the subject of think pieces doesn't mean he's been canceled.

Furthermore, as much as Chappelle foams at the microphone in "The Closer" over the trans community and complains about being labeled transphobic, he is not even close to being one of the main problems transwomen, specifically Black transwomen, are losing sleep over. At least 38 transgender or gender nonconforming people -- the vast majority of whom are Black or brown -- have been killed in the US so far this year, according to the Human Rights Campaign. Sadly, the transgender community endures disproportionate violence, often at the hands of heterosexual men -- many of whom would probably relish Chappelle's "comedy" about the bodies of trans women. Chappelle even compared the way some radical feminists view transwomen to the way Black people view blackface, which is arguably the dumbest comparison since Ben Carson compared Obamacare to slavery.

https://twitter.com/WomenReadWomen/status/1445927404333977603
Another Chappelle rebuttal is that there is racism in the LGBTQ community. That's no shocker. I've been calling out racism in queer communities for years. Chappelle tries to dispute critics who have called him transphobic by offering a feeble alternative argument: "Any of you who have ever watched me know that I have never had a problem with transgender people. If you listen to what I'm saying, clearly, my problem has always been with White people," Chappelle said. But that's clearly untrue, his digs are what Black queer folks hear from homophobes in the Black community, as well. As activist Raquel Willis wrote of Chappelle, "It's convenient for Black cishet male comedians to talk about LGBTQ+ folks as if our group is only or even predominantly white. With that frame, they don't have to contend with how Black cishet folks often enact (physical and psychological) violence on Black LGBTQ+ folks." In "The Closer," Chappelle appears to pit Black folks against queer folks with jokes like, "If slaves had baby oil and booty shorts, we might have been free 100 years sooner." He also said, "In our country, you can shoot and kill a n***** but you better not hurt a gay person's feelings."

https://twitter.com/RaquelWillis_/status/1446516466082267137

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https://twitter.com/elivalley/status/1447648403723374594


https://www.theverge.com/2021/10/11/22720724/netflix-suspends-trans-employee-tweeted-dave-chappelle-the-closer

https://twitter.com/RainofTerra/status/1445914238178848768
https://twitter.com/RainofTerra/status/1445914240963940352
https://twitter.com/RainofTerra/status/1445914243652460546
https://twitter.com/RainofTerra/status/1445914246659731458
https://twitter.com/RainofTerra/status/1445914249281167364
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https://twitter.com/RainofTerra/status/1445915538396368898
https://twitter.com/RainofTerra/status/1445915541038776320

October 12, 2021

Nobel prize will have no gender or ethnicity quotas, academy head says

https://www.theguardian.com/science/2021/oct/12/nobel-prize-will-have-no-gender-or-ethnicity-quotas-academy-head-says


Veteran Philippine journalist Maria Ressa is one of very few women to have won a Nobel prize. Photograph: Aaron Favila/AP

Swedish scientist and head of the academy that awards Nobel prizes has ruled out the notion of gender or ethnicity quotas in the selection of laureates for the prestigious award. Göran Hansson, the secretary general of the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences, accepted that there are “so few women” in the running but conceded the prize would ultimately go to those who are “found the most worthy”.

Investigative journalist Maria Ressa of the Philippines, was the only woman honoured this year, sharing the Nobel peace prize with fellow journalist Dmitry Muratov, alongside 12 men. Since its inception in 1901, only 59 Nobel prizes have gone to women, comprising just 6.2% of the total. Hansson, who informs chemistry, economics and physics Nobel prizewinners of their triumph, defended his stance on quotas in an interview with the Agence France-Presse. “It’s sad that there are so few women Nobel laureates and it reflects the unfair conditions in society, particularly in years past but still existing. And there’s so much more to do,” he said. “We have decided we will not have quotas for gender or ethnicity. We want every laureate [to] be accepted ... because they made the most important discovery, and not because of gender or ethnicity. And that is in line with the spirit of Alfred Nobel’s last will.”


Goran Hansson (C), permanent secretary of the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences, with Nobel economics prize committee members Peter Fredriksson (L) and Eva Mork (R). Photograph: Claudio Bresciani/TT NEWS AGENCY/AFP/Getty Images

Hansson emphasised that the academy would ensure that “all deserving women get a fair chance to be evaluated for the Nobel prize” and said “significant efforts” have been made to encourage nominations of women scientists. “We made sure that we know about the problem and also about subconscious bias, etc in the [prize-awarding] committees and academies. We’ve had lectures by sociologists, we’ve had group discussions, we have put quite a lot of effort into it,” he added. “In the end, we will give the prize to those who are found the most worthy, those who have made the most important contributions. “No women got the prizes in sciences this year. Last year we had two women laureates receiving the chemistry prize, Emmanuelle Charpentier and Jennifer Doudna, and we had one woman laureate in physics, Andrea Ghez. The year before we had Esther Duflo in economic sciences.” And while more women are being recognised now compared with previous decades, Hansson said the trend was increasing “from a very low level”.

“Keep in mind that only about 10% of the professors in natural sciences in western Europe or North America are women, and even lower if you go to east Asia,” the physician added. “… It takes time to evaluate, to get nominations in and evaluate for the Nobel prize... You could even say that this is the situation as it was perhaps one or two decades ago, when the discoveries were made.” Hansson said the issue of gender quotas had been discussed about three weeks ago but was dismissed on the basis that it may detract from laureates’ legitimacy. “We have discussed it ... but then it would be, we fear, considered that those laureates got the prize because they are women, not because they are the best. Now, there’s no doubt that scientists like Emmanuelle Charpentier or Esther Duflo got the prize because they made the most important contributions,” he said. “We will make sure that we have an increasing portion of women scientists being invited to nominate. And we will continue to make sure we have women on our committees, but we need help, and society needs to help here. We need different attitudes to women going into sciences ... so that they get a chance to make these discoveries that are being awarded.”

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I agree with the Nobel Committee, gender and ethnicity quotas are a bad idea in this case and would damage the integrity of the Prizes.

October 12, 2021

Elk with car tyre stuck around its neck for two years is free at last

Wildlife officials in Colorado successfully remove obstruction from bull elk at fourth attempt this week

https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/oct/12/elk-with-car-tyre-stuck-around-its-neck-for-two-years-is-free-at-last



Wildlife officials in Colorado say an elusive elk that wandered the hills with a car tyre around its neck for at least two years has at last been freed. The four-and-a-half-year-old, 270kg (600lb) bull elk was spotted near Pine Junction, south-west of Denver, on Saturday evening and tranquillised, according to Colorado Parks and Wildlife. It was the fourth attempt wildlife officers had made in the past week to try to capture and help it. Officers with the agency had to cut off the elk’s five-point antlers to remove the object because they couldn’t slice through the steel in the bead of the tyre. “We would have preferred to cut the tyre and leave the antlers for his rutting activity, but the situation was dynamic and we had to just get the tyre off in any way possible,” officer Scott Murdoch said.

https://twitter.com/CPW_NE/status/1447601850878812161
Murdoch and fellow officer Dawson Swanson estimated the elk was freed of about 16kg (35lb) with the removal of the tire, the antlers and debris inside the tyre. “I am just grateful to be able to work in a community that values our state’s wildlife resource,” Swanson said. “I was able to quickly respond to a report from a local resident regarding a recent sighting of this bull elk in their neighbourhood. I was able to locate the bull in question along with a herd of about 40 other elk.”

Swanson and Murdoch were surprised to see its neck was in good condition after two years of chafing. “The hair was rubbed off a little bit, there was one small open wound maybe the size of a nickel or quarter, but other than that it looked really good,” Murdoch said. “I was actually quite shocked to see how good it looked.” The rutting season played a role in helping officers find him. Murdoch said: “The rut definitely made him more visible. There was a bigger bull in the group he was with on Saturday, but he is getting to be a decent size bull.”

Wildlife officers first spotted the elk in July 2019 while conducting a population survey for Rocky Mountain bighorn sheep and mountain goats in the Mount Evans Wilderness. It has since spent the past couple of years travelling back and forth between Park and Jefferson counties. They say they have seen deer, elk, moose, bears and other wildlife become entangled in a number of items, including swing sets, hammocks, clotheslines, decorative or holiday lighting, furniture, tomato cages, chicken feeders, laundry baskets, soccer goals and volleyball nets.

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October 11, 2021

COVID-19 one year on: A changed Europe

It has been over a year since the Coronavirus disease (COVID-19) hit Europe and many of the response measures necessary to deal with the pandemic, from working from home to social distancing, are now part of our everyday lives. In spring 2020, most citizens, although fearful of the devastating early impacts of the virus, did not envisage that their lives would be so dramatically impacted, and that the economic, social and work-related effects of the pandemic would drag on for so long.

COVID-19 has exposed how fragile the progress made on issues such as gender equality and socioeconomic convergence in Europe truly was, with women, young people, and the economically and socially marginalised most adversely impacted. Almost every aspect of our working and family lives has changed and, likewise, all of Eurofound’s research areas have been marked by COVID-19.

Not only did we roll out three rounds of the now landmark Living, working and COVID-19 online survey in 12 months to analyse the rapid change that is ongoing, but the analyses in our existing surveys and flagship reports have specifically looked at the impacts of the pandemic across the board.

While what has taken place has been tumultuous and devastating for many, the future also holds possibilities. Eurofound’s research has highlighted that COVID-19 could be a catalyst for fundamental change that will define the future of Europe, and that rather than ‘recovering’ from a crisis like we did a decade ago, we can instead reset our expectations for our lives and reshape our understanding of what we can achieve in cooperation; from building up our health and social systems, to adopting meaningful and ambitious policies to address climate change. The outbreak of COVID-19 in Europe may be moving gradually into history, but the long-term impacts of the pandemic on our work and lives is just beginning.



https://www.eurofound.europa.eu/news/news-articles/covid-19-one-year-on-a-changed-europe

October 11, 2021

Utopians against capitalism

In these crisis times there is a premium on utopian thinking—but also practical proposals and the power resources to make change real.

https://socialeurope.eu/utopians-against-capitalism





If this is not a time ripe for writing about utopias, when would be? After the financial crash of 2008, the greatest growth in the democratic world of xenophobic extremism since Nazism and fascism, and the still current pandemic, many certainties of preceding decades have been blown away, leaving a vacuum utopian writing properly fills. Now comes the time to imagine futures which are not just better but altogether different. Utopia may never fully exist in reality—it derives its meaning ambiguously from the ancient Greek words for ‘no place’ and ‘good place’—but parts of its dream can be so attractive that we strive to make reality bend to them. And, provided some power can be wielded, a few will actually be achieved. Of the three books under review, Oli Mould’s is the most unrealistic. The plea for a four-day week by Anna Coote, Aidan Harper and Alfie Stirling on behalf of the New Economics Foundation is at the other extreme, comprising practical policy proposals rendered ‘utopian’ only because of the severe pressures on working conditions under neoliberalism. Tim Jackson’s Aristotelian plea for a via media comes, appropriately, in between.

Minoritarianism



While the energy of some new forces on today’s left is devoted to both LGBT+ rights and inadequate social benefits, the former appears to touch their deepest sensibilities. To anyone who has found this puzzling, Mould’s book helps enlighten. In his chapter on minoritarianism, he upbraids (though a man) heterosexual feminists for failing to understand that a flexible, changing sexuality is morally superior to a fixed one. This is because fixity of all kinds is a fundamental characteristic of white, male, nationalistic, imperialistic, racist, neoliberal capitalism—and you really do not want to be part of that package. Minority and in particular changing sexual orientations are therefore fundamental to the rejection of capitalism. Yet if this be so, Mould never stops to ponder why the rights of members of minority communities, whether defined by gender or sexual orientation, ethnicity or disability, have probably never stood higher than in the advanced world of today. This is not because of something essentially benign about neoliberals—it is just that they do not care about such things. Contrary to Mould’s core assumptions, capitalism is a highly flexible form of economic and social order. That is why it has survived and adapted. State socialism behaved like a solid, rigid lump, such that once the last leader of the Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev, made clear that Russian tanks were no longer available to shore it up, the entire edifice collapsed within a couple of years. Capitalism more closely resembles a liquid, as Zygmunt Bauman perceived in his last series of books on the subject, especially Liquid Modernity.

Under apartheid, businesses enjoyed the low wages and terrible working conditions this implied for blacks. But when apartheid ended, they were eager to find new sources of managerial talent within the black population and new middle-class black consumers. Many excellent studies have shown how the traditional ‘breadwinner’ family suited capitalism’s purposes, with women at home sustaining the social reproduction it needed but could not or would not provide. As women gradually rejected that role, capitalism was however keen to take advantage of their work skills and new consumption opportunities. When the capitalist chameleon needed support to defend itself against socialism, its political representatives happily formed alliances with Christian democrats and espoused various forms of mainly Catholic morality. When, at a much earlier point, they were struggling against the hierarchical and anti-individualistic social order of traditional European monarchy and papacy, they were eager to ride on the back of secular liberalism and its opposition to that church and its values. Today capitalists exploit the amoral possibilities of post-Christianity. This enables them simultaneously to be ruthless towards, even heedless of, the fate of planet Earth, while shrugging their shoulders at sexual diversity. Most recently, facing the new ethics of environmentalism which threatens to overwhelm their cynicism, the chameleon is busy exploring the advantages of some new (greener) colour changes. These qualities make capitalism a slippery beast to define and pin down but also a reformable one—provided power relations in society can enforce this.

Seven ethics

Mould sets down seven ethics which, together, can be used to attack the beast: mutualism, transmaterialism, minoritarianism, decodification, slowness, failure and love. If his weakest claim is that minoritarianism strikes at neoliberalism’s roots, other chapters are stronger. Those on the relevance of slowness, acceptance of failure and love contain beautiful passages. Others are more mixed. For example, ‘decodification’ enables a moral attack on the disfiguring use of targets that has been such a feature of the neoliberal period, yet to suggest, as Mould agrees with Marcus Doel, that the use of numbers ‘is a violent act on the world’ is unsustainable. On ‘transmaterialism’, one can fully support the ‘right to repair’ movement’s challenge to the wastefulness of phased obsolescence while not endorsing Mould’s approval of the claim by Gary Francione that veganism needs to go ‘beyond a form of consumption to be a rejection of racism, sexism, heterosexism and other forms of discrimination’. Back in the minoritarianism chapter, Mould cites approvingly the insistence by Judith Butler that ‘to categorize the agency of all women together in the feminist movement is to discontinue the act of becoming, which, as we now know, can lead to appropriation by the majority’. For Mould, majorities are always bad.

There are so many instances of this kind that I became suspicious that the book was a far-right send up, a reductio ad absurdum of various alternative writers. But the author is real enough and clearly believes in his positions. Mutualism is probably the ethic most important to him, meaning the rejection of capitalist exchange and the pursuit of self-interest in favour of the development of the commons. The commons has been an important theme of much recent literature but Mould wants to assert a planetary version. This is not globalisation, which he sees as capitalism’s homogenising project, but a planet-wide celebration of ethical and cultural diversity (although that does not extend to believers in individualism). Yet most successful commons have been rooted in communities that share sufficient characteristics to exercise mutual trust or, beyond that, develop institutions to formalise trust. Ironically, Mould makes the same mistake as those neoliberals who cite the medieval lex mercatoria as evidence that markets do not need the support of a state or law—they miss the fact that medieval merchants operated through trust networks of familial, local and religious connections, not markets alone. Mould relies on a spontaneous, planet-wide sense of a shared commons because he does not want to see formal institutions, these for him being the essence of capitalism. This really is utopia as ‘no place’.

Twisted aspirations............

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October 11, 2021

Fall Out Boy - Take This To Your Grave (Full Album)

Label:
Fueled By Ramen – FBR-061
Format:
Vinyl, LP, Album, Numbered, Black / Green Camo
Country:
US
Released:
2003
Genre:
Rock
Style:
Punk, Pop Punk