March 24, 2009, 10:33 am
By The Editors
By offering private investors
huge amounts of cheap financing at little risk to buy bad mortgage-related securities, along with an expansion of an existing federal program,
the public-private plan unveiled by Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner could buy up to $2 trillion in toxic assets now weighing down the banks.
The market
soared on high hopes that this will solve unfreeze credit and revive the crumbling economy. But is
this plan sufficient to restore the banking system to health?
We asked four economists — Paul Krugman, Simon Johnson, Brad DeLong and Mark Thoma — to tackle this question.
Paul Krugman, a Times Op-Ed columnist, is a professor of economics at Princeton University and winner of the 2008 Nobel economics prize.<...>
So can this work?
Since the beginning of the crisis, there have been two views of what’s going on.
View #1 is that we’re looking at an unnecessary panic. The housing bust, so the story goes, has spooked the public, and made people nervous about banks. In response, banks have pulled back, which has led to ridiculously low prices for assets, which makes banks look even weaker, forcing them to pull back even more. On this view what the market really needs is a slap in the face to calm it down. And if we can get the market in troubled assets going, people will see that things aren’t really that bad, and — as Larry Summers said on yesterday’s Newshour – the vicious circles will turn into virtuous circles.
View #2 is that the banks really, truly messed up: they bet heavily on unrealistic beliefs about housing and consumer debt, and lost those bets. Confidence is low because people have become realistic.
The Geithner plan can only work if view #1 is right. If view #2 is right – if the banks are really in deep trouble that goes beyond lack of confidence — subsidizing investor purchases of toxic assets, many of which aren’t even held by the most troubled banks, has no real chance of turning things around.
As you can guess, I believe in view #2. We had vast excesses during the bubble years, and I don’t think we can fix the damage with the power of positive thinking plus a bit of financial engineering.
But that’s where the issue lies.
Simon Johnson is a professor at MIT Sloan School of Management, a senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics, and co-founder of the global crisis Web site BaselineScenario.<...>
Think of it this way. If the government offered you the chance to participate in a big new lottery at a cost of $10, you might be tempted. But what if the government wanted you to pay $1,000 and to have the I.R.S. camp at your house for a month to make sure everything you did was legal?
The Geithner plan may prove to be part of the solution, but a relatively small part. If the economy continues to deteriorate, we urgently need a “resolution mechanism for large banks”; in plain English, the government will supervise their bankruptcy and had better figure out how to do this more effectively.
We must learn the painful lessons of A.I.G. and create laws, put in place procedures, and hire people who can clean up massive financial messes. The magic of the market will likely not get us out of this morass; we need a new Resolution Trust Corporation-type structure and we need it fast.
Brad DeLong is a professor of economics at University of California, Berkeley and blogs at Grasping Reality with Both Hands. <...>
My guess, however, is that we would need to take $4 trillion of risky assets out of the supply currently held by private financial intermediaries to move financial asset prices to where they need to be.
The Geithner plan offers only $500 billion. The Federal Reserve’s quantitative easing plan will add another $1 trillion. I should hasten to say that the administration thinks that information-sharing effects of the plan will do three times as much good in raising asset prices as the simple change in asset supply (I discount that entirely.) So from their perspective the glass is 3/4 full. I think that 3/8 full is better than having no glass at all.
Why isn’t the administration doing the entire job? My guess is that the Obama administration wants to avoid anything that requires legislative action. The legislative tacticians appear to think that after last week’s furor over the A.I.G. bonuses, doing more would require a congressional coalition that is not there yet. The Geithner plan is one the administration can do on authority it already has.
Mark Thoma is an economics professor at the University of Oregon and blogs at Economist’s View. <...>
How will policymakers be able to tell if the plan is working? The first thing to watch for is whether private money is moving off the sidelines and participating in the program to the degree necessary to solve the problem. If the free insurance against downside risk that comes with the non-recourse loans the government is offering doesn’t induce sufficient private sector participation, then it will be time to end the Geithner bank bailout. Even if increasing the insurance giveaway would help, legislative approval would be unlikely and the political fight that would ensue would hurt the chances for nationalization.
The second factor to watch is the percentage of bad loans the government makes as part of the program. These non-recourse loans are the source of the free insurance against downside risk. Borrowers can walk away if there are large losses, and if the number of bad loans is unacceptably high (a potential political nightmare), then policymakers will need to act quickly and pull the plug on the program.
Unfortunately, however, the loan terms make it unlikely that we’ll have timely information on the percentage of bad loans. But there is something else we can watch to assess the health of the loans: the price of the toxic assets purchased with the loans. If the price of these assets is increasing sufficiently fast, then the loans will be safe. But if the prices do not respond to the program, then the loans will be in trouble.
In that case, we will need to end the program as quickly as possible and minimize losses. The next step will have to be bank nationalization, though the political climate will likely be difficult. Sticking with the plan until it completely crashes and burns on the hope that a little more time is all that is needed will make nationalization much more difficult.