Desperately Seeking ReaganBy James Ridgeway
Mother JonesJanuary 29, 2008
It's only fitting that tomorrow the Republican presidential debates will come to an end precisely where they began almost nine long months ago—at the Ronald Reagan Presidential Library in Simi Valley, California, the closest thing the Republicans have to hallowed ground. And it's to the memory of Reagan that the party turns as it struggles to hold together the fraying strands of the conservative coalition, one made up of traditional business interests, hawkish neoconservatives, Christian "social conservatives," and libertarians.
Without strong support from each of these factions, the Republican nominee's road to the White House will become a nearly impossible climb. ..... But all is not lost for the GOP. There's nothing that pulls squabbling troops together more effectively than the need to defeat a common foe, and no enemy is more reviled among Republicans than Hillary Clinton.
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The Heritage Foundation became the brain trust of the Reagan era, spelling out the nuts and bolts of the conservative revolution in a publication called Mandate for Leadership, a catalog of the most horrifying things liberals could imagine: privatization of everything from the nation's highways to the air-traffic control system; closing down the Department of Education; ending food stamps and welfare; putting Medicare in private hands; rolling back health, environmental, and corporate regulation; and cutting taxes on the wealthy and on corporations. ..... They were thought of as ways to implement a conservative ideology. Above all, New Right ideology sought to reverse the New Deal belief that government has the ability to aid, serve, and protect its people. "The nine most terrifying words in the English language," Reagan once said, "are, 'I'm from the government and I'm here to help.'" Such rhetoric—and the accompanying cuts to both taxes and social programs—was music to libertarian ears, as well as a boon to corporate profits. Reagan cared less about crushing abortion and gay rights, but he paid enough lip service to issues of "morality" to keep the Bible-thumpers in the big tent, as well.
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But Mandate for Leadership paved the way for the Contract with America, and the Republican back bench, led by Newt Gingrich, seized Congress in 1994. It tied Clinton's hands except when he was willing to triangulate—as he all too often was, agreeing to bank consolidation, welfare "reform," and widespread deregulation.
Clinton also helped bring sex to the foreground as an increasingly important ingredient in the conservative coalition—not just Bill Clinton's irrepressible libido, but the notion of controlling sex and sexuality as an organizing force for government. Sex was brought to bear by the social conservatives, chief among them, the right-wing Christian fundamentalists who clustered around Washington and plunged into politics as never before. Unlike the libertarian and business-minded Republicans who were usually pushing for less government, social conservatives didn't hesitate to use the central government to achieve their goals, passing laws about who is allowed to have sex with whom, who should reproduce and under what conditions, what family structures were and were not legitimate. In addition to banning abortion, the social conservatives wanted to legislate sexual behavior by rewarding traditional nuclear families with tax cuts, punishing single mothers with welfare cuts, and ostracizing gay people in whatever way possible. The 1998 impeachment was a shining moment for the sex police. Conservatives of other ilks—including many who couldn't care less what the president did with his cigars—were all too happy to climb on board because of their general loathing of Bill Clinton and his policies.
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In the current primary race, the diverse field of candidates exemplifies the breakdown of the Republican coalition. "Every Republican," Mitchell observes, "says 'I am the new Ronald Reagan.' They're trying to out-Reagan one another." Yet unlike Reagan, each appeals to a few of the constituent factions, and none represents all. ..... There's one thing, however, that all Republicans will always hate more than they hate one another: the Clintons. In Iowa, Barack Obama pulled in votes from independents and even some Republicans; in New Hampshire he and McCain split much of the independent vote. But the right uniformly loathes Hillary and also detests Bill, who is more and more emerging as her true running mate. Running against the two of them, offers an opportunity for the tattered conservative coalition to pull itself together to oppose what Peggy Noonan calls a Clinton "dynasty."
Some commentators have suggested that as a woman, Hillary Clinton would have no chance against the war hero McCain. But Hillary is no Dukakis-style dweeb, standing up in a tank turret with a helmet on her head; she's a fighter to the core, and if she's nominated she will also surely move to the right, on foreign policy and everything else. In terms of both policy and personal grit, she would make a tough opponent for McCain. But ultimately, what may decide the election is whether Republicans can mobilize all factions of its fractured conservative coalition. Like all voters, Republicans this year will vote with their feet—and the specter of another Clinton in the White House might just get them walking in unison.