He has his own "Education" department. I'm looking for a link to the study he did on the "cognitive differences" between black and white babies. (hint, there isn't any, but it took a study by this guy and his well-funded Harvard dept. to make that clear for some reason...)
Here's another recent "study". I'm surprised I haven't seen any mention of this guy in the lefty press. He's a massive tool.
http://docs.google.com/viewer?a=v&q=cache:0ILuUbAVWBEJ:www.economics.harvard.edu/faculty/fryer/files/Fryer_Racial_Inequality.pdf+fryer+harvard+cognitive+differences+infants&hl=en&gl=us&pid=bl&srcid=ADGEESjaXLjwMInI2OLFc7aft1d6dy1Yuhnw87PuXSpsDD46oyoPcXaiv6Hvh_ez2F_m3TdtKTGbkV-5yFDwDpjBBuvLVnbUkHZrUulf23zRpZY5-cZSRLbdGZ7ii28-KN1N23oLFZos&sig=AHIEtbREF_dRS9zQnoPEBz5cc9tiYwJOugRacial Inequality in the 21st Century:
The Declining Significance of Discrimination (!!)
Roland G. Fryer, Jr.∗
Harvard University, EdLabs, NBER
June 18, 2010
“In the 21st Century, the best anti-poverty program around is a world-class education.”
President Barack Obama, State of the Union Address (January 27, 2010)
Introduction
Racial inequality is an American tradition. Relative to whites, blacks earn twenty-four percent less,
live five fewer years, and are six times more likely to be incarcerated on a given day. Hispanics
earn twenty-five percent less than whites and are three times more likely to incarcerated.1 At the
end of the 1990s, there were one-third more black men under the jurisdiction of the corrections
system than there were enrolled in colleges or universities (Ziedenberg and Schiraldi, 2002). While
the majority of barometers of economic and social progress have increased substantially since the
passing of the civil rights act, large disparities between racial groups have been and continue to be
an everyday part of American life.
Understanding the causes of current racial inequality is a subject of intense debate. A wide
variety of explanations have been put forth, which range from genetics (Jensen, 1973; Rushton,
1995) to personal and institutional discrimination (Darity and Mason, 1998; Pager, 2007; Krieger
and Sidney, 1996) to the cultural backwardness of minority groups (Reuter, 1945; Shukla, 1971).
Renowned sociologist William Julius Wilson argues that a potent interaction between poverty and
racial discrimination can explain current disparities (Wilson, 2010).
Decomposing the share of inequality attributable to these explanations is exceedingly difficult, as
experiments (field, quasi-, or natural) or other means of credible identification are rarely available.2
Even in cases where experiments are used (i.e., audit studies), it is unclear precisely what is being
measured (Heckman, 1998). The lack of success in convincingly identifying root causes of racial
inequality has often reduced the debate to a competition of “name that residual” – arbitrarily
assigning identity to unexplained differences between racial groups in economic outcomes after
accounting for a set of confounding factors. The residuals are often interpreted as “discrimination,”
“culture,” “genetics,” and so on. Gaining a better understanding of the root causes of racial
inequality is of tremendous importance for social policy, and the purpose of this chapter.
This chapter contains three themes. First, relative to the 20th century, the significance of
discrimination as an explanation for racial inequality across economic and social indicators has de-
clined. Racial differences in social and economic outcomes are greatly reduced when one accounts
for educational achievement; therefore, the new challenge is to understand the obstacles under-
mining the achievement of black and Hispanic children in primary and secondary school. Second,
analyzing ten large datasets that include children ranging in age from eight months old to seven-
teen years old, we demonstrate that the racial achievement gap is remarkably robust across time,
samples, and particular