Know your BFEE: They Looted Your Nation’s S&Ls for Power and Profit
Pete Brewton's book, “George Bush, the CIA and the Mafia,” is a must-own for those interested in the workings of the Bush Organized Crime Family. Written by a former Houston Post reporter, the book documents, literally, the way the Mafia, the CIA and those connected and related to George Poppy Bush looted more than 1,000 of the nation’s Savings and Loans institutions — and pretty much got away with it, scot-free.
One way they did it was to get a person inside the S&Ls to make high-risk loans for imaginary project that would go no where. It could be a mega-mall construction project or a new high-rise condo. Collateral could be something as flimsy as a Xeroxed deed with the real owner’s name “White-Out.”
Then, before even one shovel of dirt gets turned, the loanee goes bankrupt and POOF go $6 million, say. Before it can be retrieved. . By then, the money was offshore and the bankruptee went on with his or her life as normal. The crooks behind them had additional, tax-free revenue. I kid you not, this happened in Pontiac, Michigan in 1989.
Like with other real journalists, writing about this stuff eventually cost Brewton his job. Heck, the original publisher dropped the book after getting "the call." Brewton's book is a terribly difficult read, because of the complex nature of the conspiracies surrounding the S&Ls, money laundering, black ops, and Big Oil. It doesn’t make an easy to follow, Hansel-and-Gretel-bread-crumbs-through-the-forest story.
Then again, complex is how things are on a detailed road map. Here's what I mean from a info available on-line:
EXCERPT from "The Mafia, CIA & George Bush: The Untold Story of America's Greatest Financial Debacle — Corruption, greed and abuse of power in the nation's highest office."
The original subscribers to Cotopax, who then turned Skyways Aircraft Leasing over to Bath, were Cayhaven Corporate Services, Ltd., of George Town, Grand Cayman; David G. Bird of George Town; and Grant J. R. Stein of George Town. Bird and Stein are both directors of Cayhaven Corporate Services and attorneys with W. S. Walker & Company, a law firm in George Town headed by William S. Walker.
Cayhaven Corporate Services and Bird were two of the three subscribers to a Cayman Islands company called I.C., Inc., which was incorporated April 26, 1985. I.C. sits right in the middle of a chart drawn by Oliver North, and found by investigators in North's White House safe, that shows the private network that provided support and money to the Contras. Here's how it worked:
The money started with donations to Spitz Channell's National Endowment for the Preservation of Liberty (NEPL). Then it was wired from NEPL's account at Palmer National Bank to the account of IBC, a Washington, D.C., public relations company formed by Republican operative Richard Miller at another Washington bank. Next, IBC wired the money to I.C. in the Cayman Islands, which then transferred a majority of it to the Swiss bank account used by North's "Enterprise" to fund the Contras.
On March 7, 1987, the Washington Post published the only account of these transactions. It called the flow of money a "circuitous route" and then stated: "It is not clear from the documents who is behind I.C., Inc., the Cayman Islands company, or why it was needed to transfer the money." Apparently no investigator with the Tower Commission probe of Iran-Contra or the congressional Iran-Contra committees was able, or even tried, to get to the bottom of I.C. either.
The Savings and Loan industry had been experiencing major problems through the late 60s and 70s due to rising inflation and rising interest rates. Because of this there was a move in the 1970s to replace the role of S&L institutions with banks.
In the early 1980s, under Reagan, regulatory changes took place that gave the S&L industry new powers and for the first time in history measures were taken to increase the profitability of S&Ls at the expense of promoting home ownership.
What is important to note about the S&L scandal is that it was the largest theft in the history of the world and US tax payers are who was robbed.
The problems occurred in the Savings and Loan industry as they relate to theft because the industry was deregulated under the Reagan/Bush administration and restrictions were eased on the industry so much that abuse and misuse of funds became easy, rampant, and went unchecked.
Additional facts on the Savings and Loan Scandal can be found here:
There are several ways in which the Bush family plays into the Savings and Loan scandal, which involves not only many members of the Bush family but also many other politicians that are still in office and still part of the Bush Jr. administration today. Jeb Bush, George Bush Sr., and his son Neil Bush have all been implicated in the Savings and Loan Scandal, which cost American tax payers over $1.4 TRILLION dollars (note that this is about one quarter of our national debt).
Between 1981 and 1989, when George Bush finally announced that there was a Savings and Loan Crisis to the world, the Reagan/Bush administration worked to cover up Savings and Loan problems by reducing the number and depth of examinations required of S&Ls as well as attacking political opponents who were sounding early alarms about the S&L industry. Industry insiders were aware of significant S&L problems as early 1986 that they felt would require a bailout. This information was kept from the media until after Bush had won the 1988 elections.
Like Hugh Rodham, the Bush Bros. Have Capitalized on Family Ties
BY LOUIS DUBOSE
Unless you've been reading the Houston Chronicle society page, it's unlikely you've seen any current news about Neil Bush. The third Bush sibling has been almost as invisible as his apolitical brother Marvin, a venture capitalist living in northern Virginia, and his sister Dorothy "Doro" Koch, the youngest of the five Bush siblings, who quietly raises funds for charities in a Maryland suburb near Washington. While Jeb was governor of Florida and George W. was twice elected governor of Texas, Neil was either part of the late Maxine Mesinger's "crème de la crème crowd" at a Houston social event, or a stale S&L footnote: "the director of Silverado Banking, Savings and Loan when it crashed in 1988 at a cost of $1 billion to taxpayers."
In 1990, Bush paid a $50,000 fine and was banned from banking activities for his role in taking down Silverado, which actually cost taxpayers $1.3 billion. A Resolution Trust Corporation Suit against Bush and other officers of Silverado was settled in 1991 for $26.5 million. And the fine wasn't exactly paid by Neil Bush. A Republican fundraiser set up a fund to help defer costs Neil incurred in his S&L dealings. Friends and relatives contributed -- but not then-President and Barbara Bush, which would have been unseemly. Since then, the Bush political combine has done such a remarkable job keeping Neil in the background that what seemed like a 10-year news blackout didn't end until mid-February, when the Austin Business Journal reported that Bush "quietly is heading a local start-up that's raising at least $10 million in second-round funding." According to the business newsweekly, Bush has already raised $7.1 million from 53 investors underwriting Ignite! Inc., an educational software company. After being banned from banking and all but airbrushed out of the family portrait -- or at least the family news profile -- Neil Bush is back.
Bush wasn't just an average S&L exec drawing a big salary and recklessly pushing a federally insured institution beyond its lending limits. As a director of a failing thrift in Denver, Bush voted to approve $100 million in what were ultimately bad loans to two of his business partners. And in voting for the loans, he failed to inform fellow board members at Silverado Savings & Loan that the loan applicants were his business partners. Federal banking regulators later followed the trail of defaulted loans to Neil Bush oil ventures, in particular JNB International, an oil and gas exploration company awarded drilling concessions in Argentina -- despite its complete lack of experience in international oil and gas drilling. It probably helped that the Bush family had cultivated close ties with the fabulously corrupt Carlos Menem, former president of Argentina.
When JNB's rights and obligations were assumed by other investors, Neil tried to persuade another American oil and gas exploration company, Plains Resources, to invest in Argentina. Plains wasn't buying. But it was hiring, and picked up Neil as a consultant for its Argentine market -- because, as Plains executive Carlos Garibaldi told The New York Times' Jeff Gerth in 1992, Neil had "traveled and played tennis with President Menem." Plains President J. Patrick Collins told Gerth at the time that Neil Bush "bent over backwards not to trade on his name."
That claim was hard to make in 1993, when Neil, Marvin, James Baker III, John Sununu, and Thomas Kelly (who had served as director of operations for the Joint Chiefs of Staff during the Gulf War) joined President Bush on a trip to Kuwait. Three months out of office, the elder Bush was traveling on a Kuwait Airlines flight to accept an honorary degree from the country's university and its highest honor from its leader: Emir Sheikh Jabir al-Ahmad al-Sabah. The rest of the Bush entourage was following along to exploit the market in a country that considered the ex-president its savior. Former Secretary of State Baker was doing deals for Enron (the Houston-based energy-related company and contributor to Bush the Elder and later a $525,000 donor to George W. Bush's two gubernatorial races in Texas). Marvin was representing U.S. defense firms selling electronic fences to the Kuwaiti Defense Ministry. And Neil was selling anti-pollution equipment to Kuwaiti oil contractors.
Organized Crime, The CIA and the Savings and Loan Scandal
The savings and loan scandal of the 1980s has been depicted in a myriad of ways. To some, it is "the greatest ... scandal in American history" (Thomas, 1991: 30). To others it is the single greatest case of fraud in the history of crime (Seattle Times, June 11, 1991). Some analysts see it as the natural result of the ethos of greed promulgated by the Reagan administration (Simon and Eitzen, 1993: 50). And to some it was a premeditated conspiracy to move covert funds out of the country for use by the U.S. Intelligence Agency (Bainerman, 1992: 275). All of these depictions of the S & L scandal contain elements of truth. But to a large degree, the savings and loan scandal was simply business as usual. What was unusual about it was not that it happened, or who was involved, but that it was so blatant and coarse a criminal act that exposure became inevitable. But with its exposure, three basic but usually ignored "truths" about organized crime were once again demonstrated with startlingly clarity:
There is precious little difference between those people who society designates as respectable and law abiding and those people society castigates as hoodlums and thugs.
The world of corporate finance and corporate capital is as criminogenic and probably more criminogenic than any poverty-wracked slum neighborhood.
The distinctions drawn between business, politics, and organized crime are at best artificial and in reality irrelevant. Rather than being dysfunctions, corporate crime, white-collar crime, organized crime, and political corruption are mainstays of American political-economic life.
It is not our intent to discuss the unethical and even illegal business practices of the failed savings and loans and their governmental collaborators. The outlandish salaries paid by S & L executives to themselves, the subsidies to the thrifts from Congress which rewarded incompetence and fraud, the land "flips" which resulted in real estate being sold back and forth in an endless "kiting" scheme, and the political manipulation designed to delay the scandal until after the 1988 presidential elections are all immensely interesting and important. But they are subjects for others' inquiries. Our interest is in the savings and loans as living, breathing organisms that fused criminal corporations, organized crime, and the CIA into a single entity that served the interests of the political and economic elite in America. Let us begin by quickly summarizing the most blatant examples of collaboration between financial institutions, the mob, and the intelligence community.
First National Bank of Maryland: For two years, 1983-1985, the First National Bank of Maryland was used by Associated Traders, a CIA proprietary company, to make payments for covert operations. Associated traders used its accounts at First National to supply $23 million in arms for covert operations in Afghanistan, Angola, Chad, and Nicaragua (Bainerman, 1992; 276-277; Covert Action 35, 1990).
The links between the First National Bank of Maryland and the CIA were exposed in a lawsuit filed in Federal District Court by Robert Maxwell, a high-ranking bank officer. Maxwell charged in that suit that he had been asked to commit crimes on behalf of the CIA. Specifically, he charged that he was asked to conceal Associated Traders' business activities, which by law he was required to specify on all letters of credit. Maxwell alleged that he had been physically threatened and forced to leave his job after asking that his superiors supply him with a letter stating that the activities he was being asked to engage in were legal. In responding to Maxwell's lawsuit, attorneys for the bank state that "a relationship between First National and the CIA and Associated Traders was classified information which could neither be confirmed nor denied (Bainerman, 1992: 276-277; Washington Business Journal, February 5, 1990).
Palmer National Bank: The Washington, D.C.-based Palmer National Bank was founded in 1983 on the basis of a $2.8 million loan from Herman K. Beebe to Harvey D. McLean, Jr. McLean was a Shreveport Louisiana businessman who owned Paris (Texas) Savings and Loan. Herman Beebe played a key role in the savings and loan scandal. Houston Post reporter Pete Brewton linked Beebe to a dozen failed S & L's, and Stephen Pizzo, Mary Fricker, and Paul Muolo, in their investigation of the S & L fiasco, called Beebe's banks "potentially the most powerful and corrupt banking network ever seen in the U.S." Altogether, Herman Beebe controlled, directly or indirectly, at least 55 banks and 29 S & L's in eight states. What is particularly interesting about Beebe's participation in these banks and savings and loans is his unique background. Herman Beebe had served nine months in federal prison for bank fraud and had impeccable credentials as a financier for New Orleans-based organized crime figures, including Vincent and Carlos Marcello (Bainerman, 1992: 277-278; Brewton, 1993: 170- 179).
Harvey McLean's partner in the Palmer National Bank was Stefan Halper. Halper had served as George Bush's foreign policy director during the 1980 presidential primaries. During the general election campaign, Halper was in charge of a highly secretive operations center, consisting of Halper and several ex- CIA operatives who kept close tabs on Jimmy Carter's foreign policy activities, particularly Carter's attempt to free U.S. hostages in Iran. Halper was later linked both to the "Debategate" scandal, in which it is alleged that Carter's briefing papers for his debates with Ronald Reagan were stolen, and with "The October Surprise," in which it is alleged that representatives of the Reagan campaign tried to thwart U.S. efforts to free the Iranian hostages until after the presidential election. Halper also set up a legal defense fund for Oliver North.
During the Iran-Contra Affair, Palmer National was the bank of record for the National Endowment for the Preservation of Liberty, a front group run by Oliver North and Carl "Spitz" Channell, which was used to send money and weapons to the contras.
It is now estimated that some 500 billion to 1.4 trillion taxpayer dollars will be needed to bail out the savings and loan crisis. One very obvious question, which has not been asked by the major news media, is what happened to so much money?
At least one investigative journalist, Pete Brewton, of the Houston Post, believes he has the answer. On February 4, 1990, Brewton wrote "During an eight-month investigation into the role of fraud in the nation's savings and loan crisis, The Post has found evidence suggesting a possible link between the Central Intelligence Agency and organized crime in the failure of at least 22 thrifts, including 16 in Texas."
It was the first in a series of S&L articles by Brewton that found links between S&L's, organized crime figures, and CIA operatives, including some involved in gun running, drug smuggling, money laundering and covert aid to Nicaraguan contras. If S&L funds went to the contras or other covert operations it would help explain where some of the money went.
In his March 11, 1990, article, Brewton even suggested links between President Bush's son Neil and the CIA/organized crime figures: "A failed Colorado savings and loan whose board of directors included a son of President Bush was part of an intricate web of federally insured financial institutions that had business links to organized crime figures and CIA operatives, The Houston Post has learned."
Despite the blockbuster nature of Brewton's exposes, the major news media have not been quick to follow-up. As Robert Sherrill points out in his extraordinary analysis of the S&L crisis in an unusual single subject issue of The Nation (11/19/90), "Brewton's stories have not exactly stirred the national press to action."
The strange silence on the part of the press led Steve Weinberg, former executive director of Investigative Reporters & Editors, to investigate the accuracy of Brewton's charges. Weinberg raises two key questions: if Brewton's information is wrong, what should other journalists be doing to set the record straight, and if he is right, why have most news organizations failed to assign their own reporters to the scandal?
COMMENTS: Pete Brewton, the investigative journalist, whose series of articles in The Houston Post were the first to systematically expose the CIA's role in the S&L scandal, said that his articles received no exposure on network TV or in major daily newspapers and only passing mention in the newsweeklies. He added that wider exposure of this story would let the public know that "operatives of an agency of the executive branch of the government, the CIA, were involved in owning and obtaining loans from savings and loans that later failed." Robert Sherrill, whose article appeared in The Nation, said it was not so much a matter of censorship but only insufficient and delayed exposure, but added "Generally speaking, the press has done a very poor job of covering the savings and loan (and bank) scandal for the past three years, not just in 1990. As early as 1988, there was plenty of evidence of the emerging mess, but the press allowed the cand-idates to dodge the subject completely. The mass media's failure in 1989 and 1990 was that it reported the scandal in dribs and drabs, and rarely tried to put it all together so that the public could understand it in total, could understand the causes and could firmly fix the blame." Sherrill charged that network TV and the newsweeklies have been particularly reluctant to take on the subject while the New York Times abused the public by relegating most of its S&L coverage to the financial pages. Among newspapers he had seen, Sherrill felt the Washington Post had provided the best coverage of the issue. Steve Weinberg, former executive director of Investigative Reporters & Editors examined Brewton's evidence in-depth and said he "came down squarely on the fence."
12. The S&L ripoff was also part of a big Saudi move into US bank takeovers
Edited on Mon Feb-25-08 07:04 PM by leveymg
that followed a huge decline in Texas and OK land prices when oil prices declined. The Saudis took the opportunity to buy out their competitors by taking over the financial institutions that held the land deed. Many of these banks and S&Ls were bought out for pennies on the dollar after they went belly up and were looted following deregulation.
It was during this period that the Saudis bought out the biggest Texas banks, and then moved on to buy Chemical and Citibanks in NY.
A similar process is now going on with the collapse of the mortgage and derivatives markets.
That even if the corporate MSM did put it out there for the public, 98% of the people wouldn't read past the first paragraph before they flipped to the human interest stories or the latest Hollywood gossip. I'm not saying they shouldn't still publish it, but it will have to be spoon fed in small easily digestible chunks before the get the majority of people to even sample it. Which is really sad.
9. That's the favor BOA is asking for buying out Countrywide
Which they will also do as a write off to the taxpapers also
This is just one bank asking for this.
Brace yourselves, taxpayers of America. You're going to help Bank of America finance its $4 billion buyout of Countrywide. By Allan Sloan, senior editor at large
NEW YORK (Fortune) -- Guess who's helping Bank of America pay for its $4.1 billion purchase of Countrywide Financial? Answer: The taxpayers of the United States.
That's because Bank of America (BAC, Fortune 500), which is solidly profitable, will be able to use some of Countrywide's losses to offset its own taxable income. The tax break could total about half a billion dollars over the first five years, according to an estimate by tax guru Robert Willens, who left Lehman Brothers Friday after a 20-year run and will be in business as Robert Willens LLC starting next week. The losses could be worth considerably more to Bank of America starting in the sixth year, depending on how big Countrywide's losses are when Bank of America formally acquires it.
At this point, of course, no one knows how much in losses Countrywide has run up since the junk mortgage market began souring and defaults accelerated. Countrywide (CFC, Fortune 500) itself probably doesn't know. But it seems almost certain to ultimately be in the billions.
In tax circles, Bank of America is famous for its 1988 purchase of the failed FirstRepublic Bank of Dallas, which was being auctioned off by federal regulators. Bank of America, then known as NCNB Corp., the parent of North Carolina National Bank, discovered a way to structure the deal to save $1 billion of taxes, using a convoluted strategy that none of the other bidders knew about. That allowed NCNB to outbid its rivals for the bank, and still come out way ahead.
The Countrywide tax break isn't in that league, but it would still be worth a lot of money. Willens estimates that Bank of America will be able to deduct $270 million of Countrywide's losses annually for the first five years it owns the firm.
That's based on a $6 billion purchase price - $4 billion to Countrywide's common stockholders, plus the $2 billion of preferred stock that Countrywide sold to Bank of America in August. Willens says that you multiply that $6 billion by 4.49 percent - the so-called "long-term tax-exempt rate" - to calculate how much of Countrywide's losses Bank of America can deduct annually for five years after the purchase.
A $270 million annual deduction would save Bank of America something more than $100 million a year in federal and state income taxes. The long-term tax-exempt rate, which is based on Treasury rates and other things so complicated that they make my teeth hurt. The rate changes each year, Willens says, but not by much. When I asked how it's calculated, Willens, a master of tax arcana, threw up his hands. (Metaphorically, of course.) "It's like the formula for Coca-Cola," he said, "no one outside the circle knows it" and it's so complicated that, "no one else wants to find out."
So over the first five years, Bank of America can use a total of $1.35 billion of Countrywide's losses to shelter its income. (That's five years of $270 million annual losses.) If Countrywide's embedded losses when Bank of America buys it exceed $1.35 billion, Willens says, the bank will be able to deduct the rest of the losses, without limit, starting in the sixth year.
If the revolving door between Wall Street and the Cabinet Room is made of gold, the one between CIA and Wall Street is made of platinum.
The CIA: Banking on Intelligence
Covert Action Information Bulletin No.46, Fall 1993 Anthony L. Kimery
The CIA has collected, and the intelligence community has collected, economic intelligence of one kind or another since its inception. - Director of Central Intelligence, R. James Woolsey
The CIA has never been above breaking the law as it battles communists, nationalists, terrorists, or the latest "national security threat": foreign-directed economic and financial subterfuge. This growing economic focus comes at the bidding of many voices in the CIA, Pentagon, and corporate community who believe the U.S.'s primary intelligence mission should be to help industry compete in the global marketplace. There has been little public discussion, however, over just when corporate competition becomes a sufficient threat to the national security to unleash the corruptible talents of the intelligence community into the world of international finance.
"New" Intelligence Requirements: Old Practices
That line between "national security" and private financial interests has long been mutable and subject to the day-to-day needs of the CIA. For decades, the U.S. has used currency manipulations, embargoes, and other forms of economic pressure to undermine its foes. When the 1945 Bretton Woods agreement established the U.S. dollar as the international currency of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund, the U.S. secured enormous international financial leverage. It can direct intense fiscal pressure against foreign financial institutions, and even an entire national economy, by activating the global power of the Treasury Department and the Federal Reserve (along with the international financial institutions it controls). Witness the long-standing embargo against Cuba, the economic sabotage of Nicaragua in the 1980s, the illegal withholding of Panama's canal revenues between 1987 and 1990, and the current international sanctions against Iraq. Economic motives have always driven U.S. covert operations. And bending banking regulations to the benefit of U.S. and foreign elites has been standard practice. Thus, it should be no surprise that, despite questionable legality, both the National Security Agency (NSA) and the CIA already engage in extensive economic intelligence activities wherever U.S. national security interests are perceived to be at risk.
The practice of using existing U.S. intelligence agencies to gather economic and financial data through traditional spy methods was given a boost by the Reagan administration. Incoming CIA Director William Casey's national security credentials were matched by his business background. Casey had been chair of the Securities and Exchange Commission, Undersecretary of State for economic affairs, and Import-Export Bank President. He ordered the Agency's once modest National Collection Division (NCD) to recruit major corporate executives abroad to gather proprietary information on foreign businesses and the trade and economic policies of foreign governments. This move made the NCD the largest information gathering program within the Agency's operations directorate. By 1984, more than 150 corporations were providing cover for CIA people overseas.
Also on Casey's order, from 1982 through 1987, career CIA man Douglas P. Mulholland served at the Treasury Department as the chief liaison to the Agency. The person in this position typically ensures that, should some low-level regulator stumble across banking law violations, CIA operations involving banks and other federally regulated financial institutions are not compromised. No operations, it seems, were compromised on Mulholland's watch. He retired from the CIA in 1987 to become a researcher for George Bush's presidential campaign, and later headed the State Department's Bureau of Intelligence and Research.
Treasury Joins the Inner Circle
While the Reagan and Bush administrations were able to maintain the CIA's budget in the name of anticommunism, the post-Cold War CIA has had to be more diverse. It has switched its emphasis to counterterrorism and economic intelligence.
Bill Clinton wasted no time in elevating the "new" economic agenda to the highest level. For the first time, a treasury secretary, Lloyd Bentsen, became a member of the CIA's daily White House briefing. Previously, the briefing was reserved only for the president, the vice president, the national security adviser, and the secretaries of state and defense. This move formalized a trend put in motion by Reagan and Bush, who had already brought the Department of the Treasury's intelligence unit and the CIA closer together.
20. Ich liebe die Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika.
What I don't like are the bed-wetting traitors who've taken over the levers of power -- wresting them from the hands of We the People.
$pying for Uncle $am
by Pratap Chattergee Covert Action Quarterly No. 55, Winter 1996
In the space of a month this fall, the US intelligence community engineered a series of high-profile events to hype its new mission. Near Washington on September 18, the National Counterintelligence Center (NACIC) (see box, p. 43) hosted a two-day public seminar on the threat from foreign industrial spies. Ed Appel, director of counterintelligence programs at the National Security Council, warned that US companies underestimated the foreign threat to intellectual property and other proprietary information.
Less than two weeks later, the FBI began a special threat awareness fax service for key US companies, ostensibly to warn about the dangers of foreign espionage. The FBI also hinted it would soon offer more programs for US firms, including security checks on foreign joint venture partners.
Ten days later, Commerce Secretary Ron Brown told Congress that his agency had documented nearly a hundred cases of foreign firms using bribery to win contracts. He put the value of those contracts at $45 billion, and estimated that bribe-offering foreign firms win 80 percent of the deals they bid on.
The CIA was ahead of the curve. During the summer, it had been quick to boast to Congress that it had helped US businesses win $30 billion in contracts. *4 And high government officials have been touting its role in trade negotiations and uncovering corruption by foreign companies that bid against US firms.
THE THREAT OF NO THREAT
For the intelligence community, and especially the CIA, the timing of this new crusade couldn't be better. For decades, US spies rested secure knowing that their services were desired and their budgets safe. The Soviet Union's evil empire and the fear that Third World countries would fall under its spell guaranteed that the community would get almost limitless resources. By the time the Berlin Wall fell, the CIA alone counted 20,000 full-time employees and a $3 billion budget.
Now the spy establishment faces threats of a different sort. The Cold War is over, and its future depends on finding new public rationales for its existence. Congress has already slashed total intelligence funding 14 percent from its 1987 high of roughly $34 billion. *6 Although the House passed a slight spending increase for next year, it did so only after fending off liberal efforts to cut even deeper.
The intelligence community is also under scrutiny from several high-level panels. The House intelligence committee has begun IC21, a major assessment of spy programs, capabilities and capital equipment needed after the year 2000. A Senate review is also under way. And the Presidential Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board is also looking at an overhaul of the intelligence community.
The CIA, badly bruised by a series of recent scandals, needs to show how useful it can be. Enter the new mission : economic espionage, the clandestine collection of information to assess the threat posed by foreign companies to US national interests.
The official reasons tendered are threefold: preventing the theft of US technology, combating bribery or corruption by foreign competitors, and helping trade negotiators at bilateral or multilateral negotiations.
SO WHAT'S NEW?
Not that aiding US business is anything new for the spooks. Even at the height of the Cold War, political and economic interests were impossible to separate. Containing the USSR also meant opening markets to US economic influence. But in some countries, CIA plotting advanced narrower corporate interests.
The 1954 overthrow of the elect-ed government of Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala is a case in point. The CIA fomented the coup in part to help United Fruit, a family-owned US business, protect its interests in the Central American nation. Allen Dulles, then director of the CIA, sat on the board of Schroder Bank, United Fruit's partner in the banana business.
A year earlier, the agency had moved successfully against Iranian Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadeq when he nationalized British oil investments. Again in Chile, the CIA worked hand in hand with US corporations. After the CIA and telecommunications giant ITT failed in their 1970 attempt to block Salvador Allende's election to the Chilean presidency, they both backed a military coup three years later that resulted in Allende's death and Chile's descent into dictatorship.
Besides past alliances with corporate interests to contain challenges to US dominion, the CIA also has experience providing information directly to the private sector. Retired Adm. Stansfield Turner, CIA director under Jimmy Carter, began a program to provide declassified intelligence to US companies at Commerce Department briefings. In one session, the CIA filled in a couple of dozen companies on Chinese plans to build large hydropower projects. Other seminars covered semiconductors and aircraft technology. *9 That program died when Carter lost the 1980 election.
Isn't it odd that NO ONE ever mentions this, given what is going on in the banking industry and McCain's presidential candidacy?
We're all sort of at the age where we might not have been paying attention, but the S&L crisis was a pretty big deal in the 1980s. The Keating Five were 5 US Senators who received campaign contributions from Charles Keating in exchange for obstructing the investigation into the collapse of a particular S&L that Keating was head of.
John McCain was one of those Senators.
For whatever reason, this fact has been stricken from history and is NEVER mentioned in the mainstream media.
SNIP TO COMMENTS...
The reason is because he remade himself as the campaign finance reform guy. IMO that is the only reason he jumped on that-- to pave over his own shady past of campaign contributions. As we can see he gained plenty from going down that road. The strategy completely worked as the media pretty much glosses over his role in Keating 5 and always give him his BS "maverick" lable. I guess the media just loves a repentant sinner?
33. BCCI's outstanding matters include TWO re Keating. Check out #8 and #12
Edited on Tue Feb-26-08 12:14 PM by blm
Matters For Further Investigation
There have been a number of matters which the Subcommittee has received some information on, but has not been able to investigate adequately, due such factors as lack of resources, lack of time, documents being withheld by foreign governments, and limited evidentiary sources or witnesses. Some of the main areas which deserve further investigation include:
1. The extent of BCCI's involvement in Pakistan's nuclear program. As set forth in the chapter on BCCI in foreign countries, there is good reason to conclude that BCCI did finance Pakistan's nuclear program through the BCCI Foundation in Pakistan, as well as through BCCI-Canada in the Parvez case. However, details on BCCI's involvement remain unavailable. Further investigation is needed to understand the extent to which BCCI and Pakistan were able to evade U.S. and international nuclear non-proliferation regimes to acquire nuclear technologies.
2. BCCI's manipulation of commodities and securities markets in Europe and Canada. The Subcommittee has received information that remains not fully substantiated that BCCI defrauded investors, as well as some major U.S. and European financial firms, through manipulating commodities and securities markets, especially in Canada, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg. This alleged fraud requires further investigation in those countries.
3. BCCI's activities in India, including its relationship with the business empire of the Hinduja family. The Subcommittee has not had access to BCCI records regarding India. The substantial lending by BCCI to the Indian industrialist family, the Hindujas, reported in press accounts, deserves further scrutiny, as do the press reports concerning alleged kick-backs and bribes to Indian officials.
4. BCCI's relationships with convicted Iraqi arms dealer Sarkis Soghanalian, Syrian drug trafficker, terrorist, and arms trafficker Monzer Al-Kassar, and other major arms dealers. Sarkenalian was a principal seller of arms to Iraq. Monzer Al-Kassar has been implicated in terrorist bombings in connection with terrorist organizations such as the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. Other arms dealers, including some who provided machine guns and trained Medellin cartel death squads, also used BCCI. Tracing their assets through the bank would likely lead to important information concerning international terrorist and arms trafficker networks.
5. The use of BCCI by central figures in arms sales to Iran during the 1980's. The late Cyrus Hashemi, a key figure in allegations concerning an alleged deal involving the return of U.S. hostages from Iran in 1980, banked at BCCI London. His records have been withheld from disclosure to the Subcommittee by a British judge. Their release might aid in reaching judgments concerning Hashemi's activities in 1980, with the CIA under President Carter and allegedly with William Casey.
6. BCCI's activities with the Central Bank of Syria and with the Foreign Trade Mission of the Soviet Union in London. BCCI was used by both the Syrian and Soviet governments in the period in which each was involved in supporting activities hostile to the United States. Obtaining the records of those financial transactions would be critical to understanding what the Soviet Union under Brezhnev, Chernenko, and Andropov was doing in the West; and might document the nature and extent of Syria's support for international terrorism.
7. BCCI's involvement with foreign intelligence agencies. A British source has told the Bank of England and British investigators that BCCI was used by numerous foreign intelligence agencies in the United Kingdom. The British intelligence service, the MI-5, has sealed documents from BCCI's records in the UK which could shed light on this allegation.
8. The financial dealings of BCCI directors with Charles Keating and several Keating affiliates and front-companies, including the possibility that BCCI related entities may have laundered funds for Keating to move them outside the United States. The Subcommittee found numerous connections among Keating and BCCI-related persons and entities, such as BCCI director Alfred Hartman; CenTrust chief David Paul and CenTrust itself; Capcom front-man Lawrence Romrell; BCCI shipping affiliate, the Gokal group and the Gokal family; and possibly Ghaith Pharaon. The ties between BCCI and Keating's financial empire require further investigation.
9. BCCI's financing of commodities and other business dealings of international criminal financier Marc Rich. Marc Rich remains the most important figure in the international commodities markets, and remains a fugitive from the United States following his indictment on securities fraud. BCCI lending to Rich in the 1980's amounted to tens of millions of dollars. Moreover, Rich's commodities firms were used by BCCI in connection with BCCI's involving in U.S. guarantee programs through the Department of Agriculture. The nature and extent of Rich's relationship with BCCI requires further investigation.
10. The nature, extent and meaning of the ownership of shares of other U.S. financial institutions by Middle Eastern political figures. Political figures and members of the ruling family of various Middle Eastern countries have very substantial investments in the United States, in some cases, owning substantial shares of major U.S. banks. Given BCCI's routine use of nominees from the Middle East, and the pervasive practice of using nominees within the Middle East, further investigation may be warranted of Middle Eastern ownership of domestic U.S. financial institutions.
11. The nature, extent, and meaning of real estate and financial investments in the United States by major shareholders of BCCI. BCCI's shareholders and front-men have made substantial investments in real estate throughout the United States, owning major office buildings in such key cities as New York and Washington, D.C. Given BCCI's pervasiveness criminality, and the role of these shareholders and front-men in the BCCI affair, a complete review of their holdings in the United States is warranted.
12. BCCI's collusion in Savings & Loan fraud in the U.S. The Subcommittee found ties between BCCI and two failed Savings and Loan institutions, CenTrust, which BCCI came to have a controlling interest in, and Caprock Savings and Loan in Texas, and as noted above, the involvement of BCCI figures with Charles Keating and his business empire. In each case, BCCI's involvement cost the U. S. taxpayers money. A comprehensive review of BCCI's account holders in the U.S. and globally might well reveal additional such cases. In addition, the issue of whether David Paul and CenTrust's political relationships were used by Paul on behalf of BCCI merits further investigation.
13. The sale of BCCI affiliate Banque de Commerce et de Placements (BCP) in Geneva, to the Cukorova Group of Turkey, which owned an entity involved in the BNL Iraqi arms sales, among others. Given BNL's links to BCCI, and Cukorova Groups' involvement through its subsidiary, Entrade, with BNL in the sales to Iraq, the swift sale of BCP to Cukorova just weeks after BCCI's closure -- prior to due diligence being conducted -- raises questions as to whether a prior relationship existed between BCCI and Cukorova, and Cukorova's intentions in making the purchase. Within the past year, Cukorova also applied to purchase a New York bank. Cukorova's actions pertaining to BCP require further investigation in Switzerland by Swiss authorities, and by the Federal Reserve New York.
14. BCCI's role in China. As noted in the chapter on BCCI's activities in foreign countries, BCCI had extensive activity in China, and the Chinese government allegedly lost $500 million when BCCI closed, mostly from government accounts. While there have been allegations that bribes and pay-offs were involved, these allegations require further investigation and detail to determine what actually happened, and who was involved.
15. The relationship between Capcom and BCCI, between Capcom and the intelligence community, and between Capcom's shareholders and U.S. telecommunications industry figures. The Subcommittee was able to interview people and review documents concerning Capcom that no other investigators had to date interviewed or reviewed. Much more needs to be done to understand what Capcom was doing in the United States, the United Kingdom, Egypt, Oman, and the Middle East, including whether the firm was, as has been alleged but not proven, used by the intelligence community to move funds for intelligence operations; and whether any person involved with Capcom was seeking secretly to acquire interests in the U.S. telecommunications industry.
16. The relationship of important BCCI figures and important intelligence figures to the collapse of the Hong Kong Deposit and Guaranty Bank and Tetra Finance (HK) in 1983. The circumstances surrounding the collpase of these two Hong Kong banks; the Hong Kong banks' practices of using nominees, front-companies, and back-to-back financial transactions; the Hong Banks' directors having included several important BCCI figures, including Ghanim Al Mazrui, and a close associate of then CIA director William Casey; all raise the question of whether there was a relationship between these two institutions and BCCI-Hong Kong, and whether the two Hong Kong institutions were used for domestic or foreign intelligence operations.
17. BCCI's activities in Atlanta and its acquisition of the National Bank of Georgia through First American. Although the Justice Department indictments of Clark Clifford and Robert Altman cover portions of how BCCI acquired National Bank of Georgia, other important allegations regarding the possible involvement of political figures in Georgia in BCCI's activities there remain outside the indictment. These allegations, as well as the underlying facts regarding BCCI's activities in Georgia, require further investigation.
18. The relationship between BCCI and the Banca Nazionale del Lavoro. BCCI and the Atlanta Branch of BNL had an extensive relationship in the United States, with the Atlanta Branch of BNL having a substantial number of accounts in BCCI's Miami offices. BNL was, according to federal indictments, a significant financial conduit for weapons to Iraq. BCCI also made loans to Iraq, although of a substantially smaller nature. Given the criminality of both institutions, and their interlocking activities, further investigation of the relationship could produce further understanding of Saddam Hussein's international network for acquiring weapons, and how Iraq evaded governmental restrictions on such weapons acquisitions.
19. The alleged relationship between the late CIA director William Casey and BCCI. As set forth in the chapter on intelligence, numerous trails lead from BCCI to Casey, and from Casey to BCCI, and the investigation has been unable to follow any of them to the end to determine whether there was indeed a relationship, and if there was, its nature and extent. If any such relationship existed, it could have a significant impact on the findings and conclusions concerning the CIA and BCCI's role in U.S. foreign policy and intelligence operations during the Casey era. The investigation's work detailing the ties of BCCI to the intelligence community generally also remains far from complete, and much about these ties remains obscure and in need of further investigation.
20. Money laundering by other major international banks. Numerous BCCI officials told the Subcommittee that BCCI's money laundering was no different from activities they observed at other international banks, and provided the names of a number of prominent U.S. and European banks which they alleged engaged in money laundering. There is no question that BCCI's laundering of drug money, while pervading the institution, constituted a small component of the total money laundering taking place in international banking. Further investigation to determine which international banks are soliciting and handling drug money should be undertaken.
34. Ménage a Trois: Oil Money, BCCI, and the CIA -- Fred Dexter
From der Spinne:
Ménage a Trois: Oil Money, BCCI, and the CIA
Fred Dexter Covert Action Information Bulletin No.39, Winter 1991-92
In early August 1991, the global scandal surrounding the Bank of Credit and Commerce International (BCCI) hit the headlines, and linked the powerful financial institution with the CIA. Acting CIA director Richard Kerr quickly decided to go public with a part of the Agency’s relationship to what prosecutors have called the largest bank fraud of all time.
His choice of forum, a lecture to a group of U.S. high school students meeting at the National Press Club in Washington, was odd but rational. His chosen audience was obviously less prepared than journalists or members of Congress to ask tough questions about the Agency’s relationship to the drug-corrupted bank. Within this context, Kerr could put the information out in such a way that the CIA had total control over what was said and could thus cast it in an entirely positive light.
Kerr told the students that the bank’s global reach and ties to various Middle Eastern groups early on made it a key vehicle for intelligence-gathering by the Agency. At the same time, the Agency expanded its links with the bank, Kerr explained, both as a source for information on drug money laundering and drug trafficking, and as a mechanism for moving U.S. government funds. Because the bank operated branches in so many countries - some 73 around the world - the CIA used it also for moving Agency monies to its local assets. When the CIA found out the bank was engaged in improper activities, explained Kerr, it passed the information to federal law enforcement. Once it determined that the bank’s activities were criminal, the acting director stated, the CIA of course began reducing its operations with the bank, and stopped them completely by the end of 1988.
Acting Director Kerr had indeed chosen his audience well. None of the high school students challenged his superficial account of the CIA’s role with BCCI.
Add to this BCCI’s habit of making pay-offs to prominent public officials in a variety of countries around the world -pay-offs which BCCI insiders claim went to people close to the CIA - like General Zia ul-Haq of Pakistan, Manuel Noriega of Panama, and the leaders of the Afghan Mujahedeen.
Finally, consider the odd sale of the BCCI affiliate Banque de Commerce et Placements (BCP) in Geneva only two weeks after the closure of BCCI on July 5, 1991.
It seems that the President of BCP, Alfred Hartmann, was simultaneously on the Board of Directors of BCCI and Banco Nazionale del Lavoro (BNL), the Italian bank involved in illegally financing arms sales to Iraq. Interestingly, Hartmann also served on the board of a New York bank, Intermaritime, owned by none other than Bruce Rappaport, a Swiss/Israeli businessman who was a frequent companion of CIA Director William Casey. In 1986, Casey used Rappaport to control the $10 million the Sultan of Brunei gave “Mr. Kenilworth” (Assistant Secretary of State Elliott Abram’s pseudonym) for the Contras. The funds were then supposedly “lost,” before re-discovery during the Iran-Contra affair.
The remarkably well-connected Mr. Hartmann helped arrange the sale of BCP to a Turkish bank, Cukarova, at a speed which all but ruled out due diligence. Cukarova owned a company called “Enda,” which in turn owned a company called “EnTrade,” a New York-based trading company, which in turn handled financial transactions for the arming of Iraq by employees of none other than BNL- Hartmann’s other board of directorship. What other bank was found to have been involved with BNL in the U.S. in funding Iraqi arms transactions? BCCI.
One issue faced by Robert Gates in his confirmation hearings in the Fall of 1991 was the degree to which officials of the U.S. intelligence community may have assisted Iraq with dual-use technology and other help in its war against Iran. Accordingly, the BCCI-BNL-BCP connection becomes one more oddity leading back to the underlying issue of just what and how extensive was the BCCI connection to the CIA.
Kerr told the high school students that the CIA was conducting surveillance and gathering intelligence through BCCI. He neglected to tell them on whom, to what end, and with what result. Kerr and the CIA still have not answered some troubling questions: Did that surveillance reveal weapons sales to Iraqi entities within the United States? Was BCCI’s involvement with Iraqi a sales and the BNL affair another part of a Casey-inspired off-the-books operation?
Other important and as yet unanswered questions arise regarding the use of BCCI by China, Pakistan, and South Africa for weapons sales and purchases or sales of dangerous technologies; and additionally by Pakistan and South Africa to funnel U.S. funds to the Mujahedeen. Further investigation is also needed into BCCI’s pervasive involvement with laundering funds for the various business enterprises of former CIA asset Manuel Noriega.
26. GHOSTS OF THE PAST REAPPEAR AND CAST THEIR SHADOWS FROM HULL TO NIR
Pete Brewton gave up his career to tell the truth. Then again,that's what makes a real journalist. And a real historian. And a real human being.
Certainly deserves a Pulitzer.
GHOSTS OF THE PAST REAPPEAR AND CAST THEIR SHADOWS FROM HULL TO NIR
S&L fraud suspect found dead; Suicide possible in Corson case
JENNIFER LIEBRUM, LYNWOOD ABRAM, JERRY URBAN; Staff The Houston Chronicle; A; Pg. 35 November 5, 1992, Thursday, 2 STAR Edition
Former Houston developer Robert Louis Corson, described as one of the Justice Department's top 10 targets for prosecution of suspected savings-and-loan fraud, was found dead in an El Paso motel room Wednesday of an apparent drug overdose.
"The people around him will fight to create that image that he was a beaten man," Craig said, "but I know there are a lot of people who wanted Robert L. Corson dead."
Corson, 45, who apparently moved to a Phoenix suburb after being indicted here last year, was en route to Houston to face charges that include conspiracy, money laundering and misapplication of funds.
Federal prosecutors have said they believe Corson's 1986 purchase of Vision Banc Savings Association of Kingsville triggered a series of illegal loans totaling more than $ 29 million.
A 23-count indictment charged Corson, Garman and Chester with pocketing more than $8 million from those loans to pay off real estate deals and other debts, including Garman's gambling debts.
At the time of the indictment, U.S.Attorney Ron Woods said the Vision Banc prosecution was ""one of the Top 10'' on the U.S. Justice Department's ""Top 100'' list of thrifts in which massive fraud was suspected of playing a major role in their collapse.
If convicted on all counts, Corson faced up to 135 years in prison and $ 4.5 million in fines.
Corson's attorney said his client's despondency was compounded by publication of ""The Mafia, CIA & George Bush,'' a book by a former Houston Post reporter that associates him with the Central Intelligence Agency and indirectly with organized crime activity.
But author Pete Brewton suggested that if publicity had driven Corson to take his own life, it was two years late, because his newspaper ran most of the same information two years before the book's publication.
""He didn't seem very despondent then,'' Brewton said.
29. New Options for Prosecuting War Criminals in Internal Armed Conflicts
You may be right. The thing is, more than anything or anybody, they FEAR the truth. For members of the BFEE, mass-murder, treason, warmongering, gangsterism, theft and who-knows-what-else forms a stain they can not rub out.
Then again, we might get lucky and have an administration, one day, that takes the Constitution seriously. No one will be above the law when Justice prevails.
New Options for Prosecuting War Criminals in Internal Armed Conflicts
GEOFFREY S. CORN and JAN E. ALDYKIEWICZ From Parameters, Spring 2002, pp. 30-44.
International Law: The Foundation for Prosecuting War Crimes
When the Second World War came to an end, the trial of notorious war criminals by the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg captured the attention of the international community. This episode in the history of the 20th century is most commonly associated with the dramatic exchanges between key members of the Nazi leadership and those selected to sit in judgment of their conduct. However, the most profound aspect of the cases tried before this tribunal, and other postwar military tribunals in both Europe and the Far East, was not the suspense associated with the trials, but their impacts on the law of war. Chief among these impacts was the evolution of the doctrine of individual criminal responsibility for violations of the laws of war. While this doctrine might seem an obvious element of the law of war to today’s military and international legal professionals, it was in fact a relatively new component of international law in the immediate aftermath of World War II.<3>
During the period immediately following World War II, the international community revised the Geneva Conventions in an effort to establish a comprehensive regime for the protection of noncombatants during armed conflict. This revision led to the four Geneva Conventions of 1949, each devoted exclusively to a particular class of “war victims” (the wounded and sick; the wounded, sick, and shipwrecked at sea; prisoners of war; and civilians) and each incorporating the doctrine of individual criminal responsibility. In spite of the fact that the pre-war period had involved several extremely bloody civil wars (Russia, Spain, China), the primary focus of this effort was the regulation of conduct during international (state versus state) armed conflicts. Little effort was devoted to dealing with the protection of war victims during internal armed conflict or civil war. As a result, the provisions of the Geneva Conventions establishing criminal responsibility for violations of the mandates of the treaties applied exclusively to state-versus-state conflicts. Thus, in the half-century following World War II, the doctrine of individual criminal responsibility for violations of the law of war remained limited to acts committed during state-on-state conflicts.<4>
This fact is well highlighted by the first war crimes prosecution related to the civil war in the former Yugoslavia: Prosecutor v. Tadic.<5> In this case, the tribunal established by the United Nations Security Council to try war criminals from the Yugoslav conflict acknowledged the different level of regulation of state-versus-state conflict as opposed to purely internal conflict, and noted that this difference was based upon the concept of state sovereignty.<6> As a result, although the violence and suffering associated with such conflicts often seems even more intense than that associated with state-versus-state conflict, the scope of international regulation applicable to them has been and continues to be far less comprehensive than that applicable to state-on-state conflicts. The primary source of this regulation is contained in Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions, a provision that is identical in all four treaties and thus referred to as a “common” article. This provision, the exclusive source of internal conflict regulation resulting from the revision of the Geneva Conventions in 1949, established the requirement that warriors in a civil war must treat humanely individuals who were never participants (civilians), or who are no longer participants (hors de combat) in the conflict. However, unlike rules applicable to state-versus-state conflicts, these limited rules for internal armed conflicts contained no provision for holding violators criminally accountable for their misconduct.
Until recently, this absence of criminal responsibility provisions related to civil wars resulted in a lack of legal authority for holding individuals who commit violations of the law of war during internal armed conflicts criminally accountable for their misconduct. However, this is no longer the case. The conflicts in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda led to one of the most profound developments in the law of war since the end of World War II, and certainly the most profound development in the realm of war crimes since that time: the application of individual criminal responsibility to violations of the law of war committed during internal armed conflicts. Stated more simply, international law has evolved to recognize that violations of the law of war during civil wars are war crimes.<7>
This development in the law of war resulted from the creation by the United Nations Security Council of ad hoc international criminal tribunals for Yugoslavia (ICTY) and Rwanda (ICTR), and the prosecutions conducted by these tribunals. These actions by the international community have affirmatively answered the question of whether violations of the laws and customs of war committed during internal armed conflicts constitute war crimes. However, this has raised new questions regarding the extent of the rules applicable to internal conflicts, and the forums available for prosecuting those individuals who violate these rules. Although it is convenient to dismiss these questions as falling within the exclusive realm of civilian judges sitting on international courts, the answers are potentially significant for a military profession now almost routinely called upon to intervene in such internal conflicts.
30. How Poppy's Pals Broke the Banks -- Jonathan Kwitny
Thank you, Zodiak Ironfist. I stand on the shoulders of giants:
How Bush (senior)'s Pals Broke the Banks
by Jonathan Kwitny Village Voice, October 20, 1992, pp. 24 ff.
There's a lot that Americans haven't been told about George Bush and the savings-and-loan catastrophe--mainly that Bush's friends, his son Neil, and their social circle caused a major portion of the damage, and that the president, by his continued loyalty to these people, bears some responsibility himself.
In Houston and Denver, the president, his son, and White House chief of staff James Baker were surrounded socially and financially by the biggest feeders at the national taxpayers' trough. A repeated pattern appears in which investigations were called off, proposed fraud charges weren't brought, and President Bush continued to pal around with investigative targets who got off scot-free. . . .
Hundreds of millions of dollars in questionable loans ended up enriching the friends of George Bush, the CIA, and favorite Republican causes, among them the contras, and Jonas Savimbi's war in Angola.
Bush's current campaign manager, Fred Malek, was a partner of a big S&L defaulter in a bank they founded with the help of Mafia-tainted money.
The authors of the best book on the S&L scandal, Inside Job, conclude that, rather than a lot of mindless blundering, there was "some kind of network...a purposeful and coordinated system of fraud. At each step of our investigation our suspicions grew because, of the dozens of savings and loans we investigated, we never once examined a thrift-no matter how random the choice- without finding someone there we already knew from another failed S&L."
this is one way the darkside of the government makes money for projects the public would never approve of. I would not be surprised if something like Promis/Systematics software played an integral role in this.
This is one area where we definitely need change in government far from the status quo. The NSA may also play a role in this. Ever wonder if their surveillance activities are distinguishing between the liberals and non-liberals who might be abusing the system?
31. The Bush Family: A Continuing Criminal Enterprise? -- Gary W. Potter, PhD.
You're welcome, fooj. You and the other good DUers are why I'm still here. Truth be told -- and it seems too many don't like that idea -- America and the anyone else who cares about the truth need to know about this gang of criminals.
And here's a truly brave soul, battling Them:
The Bush Family: A Continuing Criminal Enterprise?
Gary W. Potter, PhD. Professor, Criminal Justice Eastern Kentucky University
The S&Ls, the Mob and the Bushs
During the 1980's hundred of Savings and Loan Banks failed. Those bank failures cost U.S. taxpayers over $500 billion to cover federally insured losses, and much more to investigate the bank failures (Pizzo, Fricker, and Muolo, 1989; Brewton, 1992; Johnston, 1990). More than 75% of the Savings and Loan insolvencies where directly linked to serious and often criminal misconduct by senior financial insiders (Pizzo, Fricker and Muolo, 1989: 305). In fact, less than 10 percent of bank failures are related to economic conditions, the rest are caused by mismanagement or criminal conduct (Pizzo, Fricker and Muolo, 1989: 305).
A good example of the Savings and Loan failures can be found in the activities of Mario Renda, a Savings and Loan insider who often worked in close collaboration with organized crime (Pizzo, Fricker and Muolo, 1989: 123-126;302). Renda served as a middle man in arranging about $5 billion a year in deposits into 130 Savings and Loans, all of which failed (Kwitny, 1992: 27). Many of these deposits were made contingent on an agreement that the Savings and Loan involved would lend money to borrowers recommended by Renda, many of whom were organized crime figures or people entirely unknown to the banking institution involved (Kwitny, 1992: 27).
Equally good examples of financial misconduct in the Savings and Loan scandal is found in the activities of the Bush family. In some cases Bush family members helped skim Savings and Loan funds which were delivered to outsiders as a part of deals involving lucrative payoffs to bank directors. In other cases, members of the Bush family intervened to influence decisions involving highly speculative and unsound investments involving loans that would not be repaid if the venture was not profitable. And finally, the Bush family’s political connection served to protect those guilty of misconduct in the Savings and Loan scandal (Kwitny, 1992: 24).
Neil Bush: Taking Down Silverado
Neil Bush also profited enormously from another company on verge of bankruptcy. Apex Energy paid him over $2000,000 in salary and oil deed compensation payments while teetering on the edge of bankruptcy (Failing firm paid Neil Bush big salary, 1992).
Neil Bush’s small oil company also seemed to profit from its political connections when it was awarded a 1987 contract to drill for oil in Argentina (Bush 's Son Misses Deadline For Reporting “Inside” Sale,1991).
Jeb Bush: Influence Peddling for a “Bust-Out” Scam
But, Neil Bush was not the only Bush brother involved in the Savings and Loan collapses. Jeb Bush’s, the current Governor of Florida, curious relationship with Miguel Recarey is another illustration. Recarey was a long-time business associate of Tampa organized crime figure Santos Trafficante. Recarey also fled the U.S. facing three separate indictments for labor racketeering, illegal wiretapping and Medicare fraud (Freedburg, 1988: A1). Recarey’s business, International Medical Centers, was the largest health maintenance organization for the elderly in the U.S. and had been supported from $1 billion in payments from the Medicare program. International Medical Centers went bankrupt in 1988 (Freedburg, 1988: A1; Royce and Shaw, 1988: 4). When International Medical Centers went under it left $222 million in unpaid bills and was under investigation for $100 million in Medicare fraud (Freedbrug, 1988: A1; Frisby, 1992: G1). The U.S. Office of Labor Racketeering in Miami referred to Recarey and his company as “the classic case of embezzlement of government funds ... “a bust-out operation” (Freedburg, 1988: A1)
Jeb Bush’s role in this saga being in 1985 when Recarey’s attempt to create his “bust-out scam” corporation ran into a federal regulation that said no HMO could get more that 50% of its revenue from Medicare (Freedburg, 1988: A1; Royce and Shaw, 1988: 4). Jeb Bush intervened on Recarey’s behalf with Helath Human Services Secretary Margaret Heckler and one of her top aides. Convincing them to waive the regulation in the case of Recarey’s company (Freedburg, 1988: A1; Royce and Shaw, 1988: 4). In addition to Jeb Bush’s intervention, Recarey had paid $1 million to senior Republican lobbyists in Washington, who were also working the staff of Health and Human Services in pursuance of a waiver (Freedburg, 1988: A1; Royce and Shaw, 1988: 4). In addition, Jeb Bush had contacted Secretary Heckler earlier about complaints from doctors over the quality of International Medical Centers’ care and allegations that Recarey had embezzled funds form another hospital (Royce and Shaw, 1988: 4). Jeb Bush told an aide to Secretary Heckler that “contrary to any rumors that were floating around concerning Mr. Recarey, that he was a solid citizen from Mr. Bush’s perspective down there , that he was a good community citizen and a good supporter of the Republican Party” (Royce and Shaw, 1988: 4).
35. Yep - and it's a shame even some here at DU think these facts are mere 'theory'
I think they need to find comfort in simply dismissing the facts that exist because they would also have to wrap their brains around the fact that some Dems in powerful positions had to have helped at the very least in the continuing coverup.
21. They even had the balls to plant a few palm trees around the property to make it look good
They all looked like limp dead bent over victims due to lack of water. A couple of sidewalks and stuff. I wish I had taken pictures back then. I don't know what's there now, but I used to drive through it as a short cut. In AZ by the race track, not Pontiac MI. :shrug: were there two?
At the same time the Bewsh Gang stole risk-free (well, to THEM anyway) money from seniors along with Chuckles Keating, they were buying up some suspiciously dubious companies prior to 9/11 in their Reaganite mafioso scheme called The Carlyle Group . . . read on . . .
See, they're a private equity firm. Among other things, private equity firms buy companies, usually failing ones, in speculation that they (via investment, takeover, etc) can help them succeed in the future. Afterward, they sell the companies for a profit. Carlyle prefers buying companies that do business with the government. Starting in the early 90s, when the Cold War more or less ended and defense/military industries were in a funk, Carlyle bought a few of these companies dirt cheap.
Among their purchases (more on what they do later)?
* Vaught Aircraft * USIS * BDM, who owned Vinnell * United Defense Industries. This is a curious one; this company made the tank/cannon Crusader, which the Army and Dumbsfeld had no desire for due to its mobility problems.
How does Carlyle HAVE such pull? Simple. They hire politicians when they leave office, usually Republican ones. Frank Carlucci, for instance; former deputy CIA Director and Secretary of Defense under (naturally) Ronald Reagan. Oh, he's also associated with PNAC. James Baker, Chief of Staff and Secretary of the Treasury under (hmmmmmmm) Ronald Reagan (anyone see a pattern here or is it just me?).
Octafish - because we demand the truth before everything else has been attempted.
Would you kindly post the link again to that amazing list you've compiled of your BFEE threads? It should be in everyone's reference file, because we will never see investigations of this caliber on our teevees anytime soon.
Your threads are enormously valuable in our understanding of how we got to this point in our history. And this knowledge, as it spreads, will unlock the shackles that the BFEE have used and still use to imprison us.
Note: Not all Bushes are evil or beholden to the BFEE, nor are all those who gain by its existence members of the immediate or extended Bush family. Nor are the Bushes at the pinnacle of global power -- it is quite likely they serve an even wealthier class. What they all have in common is the use of the powers of the government of the United States for accumulating wealth and power for themselves, their associates and the other affiliated beneficiaries among the world's financial elite and authoritarian regimes. Always, they gain at the expense of the people and nations of the world, including the citizens of the United States and its Constitution.
Note 2: The subject is a work in progress. The entries are not perfect, nor are they complete. They do provide a framework for a who's-who and what's-what and how we got here. Started for educational and historical purposes, these threads are meant to serve the public interest. What gives them a special quality are the contributions of DUers. May they also serve some prosecutor in the future.
You are most welcome, Seafan! Thank you for understanding why I do this.
57. Ha ha ha ha ha!!!! Timmy the Rich Turd. Busted a gut, Hermano!
"Remember! Integrity is for paupers!"
Here's something else they missed:
The Bush family and the S&L Scandal
It should also be noted that shortly after news of Neil Bush’s involvement in the S&L scandal hit the press his father, George Bush Sr., announced the Desert Storm campaign in Iraq, which subsequently had the result of making Neil’s name quickly fade from the headlines. In addition, while Neil Bush's divorce proceeding were exposing more backroom Bush dealings, America was once again bombarded with war propaganda for Operation Iraq Freedom.
The S&L scandal is by no means the only incident of questionable, and actually illegal, financial activity that the Bush family has been involved in. The line of questionable, illegal, and unethical businesses practices goes back at least to Prescott Bush Sr., George Bush Sr.’s father. Prescott Bush was a Senator from 1952 – 1963. Previous to his time as a Senator Prescott was a banker and businessman. Prior to the American entry into WWII Prescott Bush was director of Union Banking Corporation. Union Banking Corporation helped to finance Hitler’s regime. The Concentration Camps of Nazi Germany were labor camps that the Nazis used to make products for their regime as well as for sale to raise money. Prescott profited directly from the Auschwitz labor camp.
In 1942, after Hitler declared war on America the United States government seized the Union Banking Corporation under the Trading with the Enemy Act as a front operation that was supporting the Nazis. Much of the profits from the operation were already pocketed by Prescott however, and $1.5 million was put in a trust fund for George Bush Sr.
60. A destabilization-by domestic and foreign enemies of The United States of America
A destabilization program targeting The United States of America-we are well beyond "friendly" fascism, deeply in crisis, and I doubt that a general election will be held in November. I hope to be proven wrong.
Drag those of the shadow government hiding in their undisclosed locations out into the sunlight and put them in the camps they building for US-with warrants issued by we,the people--not BFEE apparatchiks.
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