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RBHam Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-28-05 10:51 PM
Original message
The Subversion Of The Free Press By The CIA
MOCKINGBIRD - The Subversion Of The Free Press By The CIA

So the American mainstream media are taking payola from the Bush administration?

Big deal. The truth is that the mainstream media has long been subverted by the CIA and forced to be nothing more than an arm of the government.
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Octafish Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Fri Jan-28-05 11:22 PM
Response to Original message
1. The Mighty Whorelitzer
Allen Dulles and Averell Harriman coopted selective members of the press, their faithful lapdogs. Well, today they own the whole howling pack. Their descendants, the most public being the Bush Gang, own the entire Corporate McPravda kennel - lock, stock and double-barrel. They certainly don't allow any freelance barking.

Journalism and the CIA: The Mighty Wurlitzer


OSS veteran Frank Wisner ran most of the early peacetime covert operations as head of the Office of Policy Coordination. Although funded by the CIA, OPC wasn't integrated into the CIA's Directorate of Plans until 1952, under OSS veteran Allen Dulles. Both Wisner and Dulles were enthusiastic about covert operations. By mid-1953 the department was operating with 7,200 personnel and 74 percent of the CIA's total budget.

Wisner created the first "information superhighway." But this was the age of vacuum tubes, not computers, so he called it his "Mighty Wurlitzer." The CIA's global network funded the Italian elections in 1948, sent paramilitary teams into Albania, trained Nationalist Chinese on Taiwan, and pumped money into the Congress for Cultural Freedom, the National Student Association, and the Center for International Studies at MIT. Key leaders and labor unions in western Europe received subsidies, and Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty were launched. The Wurlitzer, an organ designed for film productions, could imitate sounds such as rain, thunder, or an auto horn. Wisner and Dulles were at the keyboard, directing history.

The ethos of the fight against fascism carried over into the fight against godless communism; for these warriors, the Cold War was still a war. OSS highbrows had already embraced psychological warfare as a new social science: propaganda, for example, was divided into "black" propaganda (stories that are unattributed, or attributed to nonexistent sources, or false stories attributed to a real source), "gray" propaganda (stories from the government where the source is attributed to others), and "white" propaganda (stories from the government where the source is acknowledged as such).<1>

After World War II, these psywar techniques continued. C.D. Jackson, a major figure in U.S. psywar efforts before and after the war, was simultaneously a top executive at Time-Life. Psywar was also used with success during the 1950s by Edward Lansdale, first in the Philippines and then in South Vietnam. In Guatemala, the Dulles brothers worked with their friends at United Fruit, in particular the "father of public relations," Edward Bernays, who for years had been lobbying the press on behalf of United. When CIA puppets finally took over in 1954, only applause was heard from the media, commencing forty years of CIA-approved horrors in that unlucky country.<2> Bernays' achievement apparently impressed Allen Dulles, who immediately began using U.S. public relations experts and front groups to promote the image of Ngo Dinh Diem as South Vietnam's savior.<3>

The combined forces of unaccountable covert operations and corporate public relations, each able to tap massive resources, are sufficient to make the concept of "democracy" obsolete. Fortunately for the rest of us, unchallenged power can lose perspective. With research and analysis -- the capacity to see and understand the world around them -- entrenched power must constantly anticipate and contain potential threats. But even as power seems more secure, this capacity can be blinded by hubris and isolation.


PS: Great thread, as always, RBHam!
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Karenina Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Sat Jan-29-05 07:54 AM
Response to Original message
2. This has been SOP
since I was a teenie. I remember peers being recruited for the WP.
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seemslikeadream Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Sat Jan-29-05 10:05 AM
Response to Original message
3. Kissing up to Kissinger The reporters who loved Henry and what they said
By Jack Shafer
Posted Monday, Oct. 4, 2004, at 5:23 PM PT

Henry Kissinger

During his years as national security adviser and secretary of state, Henry Kissinger wooed the Washington press corps with the flowers and chocolate of flattery and access. As Walter Isaacson writes in his 1992 biography, Kissinger, opinion columnists and the reporters who covered the State Department or the White House grew especially captivated by his charms.

Journalists took priority over matters of state for Kissinger, or at least that's how it looked to his colleagues. CIA Director Richard Helms tells Isaacson of the time Kissinger made him wait as he sorted though his message slips, placed reporters' messages at the top of the pile, and returned their calls. Kissinger speechwriter John Andrews remembers that when they were working on a speech together and a high-status columnist like Joseph Kraft or Joseph Alsop telephoned, Kissinger would pause their labors "and do an incredible snow job with me listening in. He'd pour syrup all over the guy." John Ehrlichman tells Isaacson a similar story about Kissinger stroking reporters over the phone. "I could not help hearing Henry's blandishments and his self-congratulation," Ehrlichman says.


The most devoted members of the Kissinger press cult, based on the phone transcripts, were CBS News Chief Diplomatic Correspondent Marvin Kalb, former New York Times Washington editor and columnist James "Scotty" Reston, and Time magazine's Hugh Sidey. But other figures tossed kisses to Kissinger from afar, including political columnist Stewart Alsop, former Los Angeles Times Publisher Otis Chandler, William Randolph Hearst Jr., and former Washington Star ownerand soon to be ex-Riggs Bank proprietorJoseph L. Albritton.

Kalb sends an FTD-sized bouquet down the line to Kissinger on the evening of Sept. 22, 1973, the day he became secretary of state.

... I did wish you well from the bottom of my heart, the wisdom and the grace and the tolerance that are going to be so necessary to success because I very much have the feeling in the long sweep of history perhaps that your tenure is going to prove to be larger than simply something that has to do with diplomacy. There's a human and a psychological component here which has to be vindicated in a major way and I feel that very strongly and I wish you towering good luck.

more /

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Octafish Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Sat Jan-29-05 07:29 PM
Response to Reply #3
4. I like what neocon Hitchens said about Henry the Killer:
The Trial of Henry Kissinger

"I find it contemptible." Henry Kissinger

"His own lonely impunity is rank; it smells to heaven. If it is allowed to persist then we shall shamefully vindicate the ancient philosopher Anacharsis, who maintained that laws were like cobwebs; strong enough to detain only the weak, and too weak to hold the strong. In the name of innumerable victims known and unknown, it is time for justice to take a hand."

With the detention of Augusto Pinochet, and intense international pressure for the arrest of Slobodan Milosevic, the possibility of international law acting against tyrants around the world is emerging as a reality. Yet, as Christopher Hitchens demonstrates in this compact, incendiary book, the West need not look far to find suitable candidates for the dock. The United States is home to an individual whose record of war crimes bears comparison with the worst dictators of recent history. Please stand, ex-Secretary of State and National Security Advisor, Henry A. Kissinger.

Weighing the evidence with judicial care, and developing his case with scrupulous parsing of the written record, Hitchens takes the floor as prosecuting counsel. He investigates, in turn, Kissingers involvement in the war in Indochina, mass murder in Bangladesh, planned assassinations in Santiago, Nicosia and Washington, D.C., and genocide in East Timor. Drawing on first-hand testimony, previously unpublished documentation, and broad sweeps through material released under the Freedom of Information Act, he mounts a devastating indictment of a man whose ambition and ruthlessness have directly resulted in both individual murders and widespread, indiscriminate slaughter.

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seemslikeadream Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Sat Jan-29-05 09:46 PM
Response to Reply #4
6. When Greed Sacrificed Democracy
Edited on Sat Jan-29-05 09:55 PM by seemslikeadream

The high costs of failing to safeguard human rights
Seeds of Fire
By Gordon Thomas


Seeds of Fire is such a work. Beyond just good journalism, it is a compelling history of some of the most crucial, and unknown, events of the last two decades.

The book, released at the close of 2001, begins with a story of international intrigue: how Israeli spies stole Enhanced Promis, a computer program, and how China obtained six sets of the software for $9 million from newspaper magnate Robert Maxwell, ultimately enabling them to access secrets of our government, including the nuclear secrets of Los Alamos. While this is interesting enough, it is only the beginning of the complex history that Gordon Thomas attempts.

The work really comes alive when the author takes us into China, on the verge of the student demonstrations in 1989. Thomas is a master at personalizing history, bringing the reader onto the scene through firsthand observations of people who were there. Nowhere has he done this better than in Seeds of Fire.

Through the eyes of Cassy Jones, an American teacher in Beijing who became involved with Yan Daobao, one of the leaders of the Chinese students resistance in the 1980s, we see the growth of the student movement that culminated in the Tienanmen Square demonstrations. Its like a Greek tragedy unfolding, and although you know how it will end, it is still a heart-wrenching journey.

Thomas takes us on a day-by-day, sometimes hour-by-hour, voyage through the life of China and its recent historythe infighting among its leaders, the hopes and dreams of the youth that swept the nation, and how close they really came to overthrowing the Communist regime. With interviews of diplomats and officials, he brings us into the analysis and decision-making processes of American intelligence, and the economic and political decisions of the major powers to do nothing to help the Chinese people in their desperate quest for democracy.


It may not be too surprising that the U.S., the land of the MK ULTRA mind control program, would countenance a regime that had to drug its soldiers to ensure they would slaughter thousands of their own unarmed people. Through the account of soldier Bing Yang, Thomas relates how shortly before the Tiananmen Square massacre, soldiers were ordered out of their barracks, marched to the parade ground, and injected to protect their health. Yang recalled a warm sensation through his body. Climbing into a truck, he felt even more determined to deal with the enemies of the people.


On September 11, 2001, Chinese diplomats were in Afghanistan negotiating with Taliban leaders to furnish the Taliban with anti-missile defenses and technological aid in exchange for the Taliban calling off their insurrectionists in Chinas northern provinces. Just after September 11, the Taliban-inspired disturbances in China ceased.


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Octafish Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Sat Jan-29-05 10:41 PM
Response to Reply #6
7. How Poppy protected trade after Tiananmen...
Bush Sr. sent Scowcroft and the turd Eagleburger to clink champagne toasts with the Chicoms. -- "It's business."

Tiananmen Square, 1989

The Declassified History

A National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book


In the days immediately following the crackdown, U.S. and Chinese officials were already sensitive to how recent events would impact the bilateral relationship. On June 5, President Bush had announced the imposition of a package of sanctions on China, to include "suspension of all government-to-government sales and commercial exports of weapons," and the "suspension of visits between U.S. and Chinese military leaders." Document 32, an embassy cable sent three weeks later, notes that a military official had lodged a formal complaint that "strongly protested recent U.S. military sanctions," and had canceled the planned visits of U.S. military officials. Embassy officials felt this to be a "measured response to U.S. sanctions," indicating that the official "did not adopt a confrontational attitude and emphasized that both sides should take a long-term view of the military relationship." Two days later, on June 29, the State Department prepared "Themes," (Document 33), in support of Undersecretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger and national security adviser Brent Scowcroft, who were to leave the next day on a secret trip to China to meet with Deng Xiaoping. "Themes" provided the framework for the discussions the two emissaries would have with Deng. It focused on the global strategic benefits of the U.S.-PRC relationship for both sides, the impact Chinese "internal affairs" could have on the relationship (characterizing the American people as being "shocked and repelled by much of what they have seen and read about recent events in China"), Bush's view of the importance of the long-term relationship between the US and PRC, and the impact that further repression could have on US relations with China. As Scowcroft later remembered, "The purpose of my trip ... was not negotiations--there was nothing yet to negotiate--but an effort to keep open the lines of communication."6


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seemslikeadream Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Sat Jan-29-05 11:27 PM
Response to Reply #7
8. The illegal we do immediately. The unconstitutional takes a little longer.

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Octafish Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Sun Jan-30-05 02:21 AM
Response to Reply #8
9. "And we do treason."


Kissinger, Nixon and the Destruction of Cambodia

by William Shawcross
Simon and Schuster, 1979

The Advisor
The Outrage
The Bombardiers
The Secretary
The Proconsuls
The Beginning
Excerpts and quotes
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seemslikeadream Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Sun Jan-30-05 03:14 AM
Response to Reply #9


Beginning in the fall of 1986, and continuing through early 1989, BCCI initiated a series of contacts with perhaps the most politically prominent international and business consulting firm in the United States -- Kissinger Associates.

At the time, Kissinger Associates had five partners: former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, former Assistant and current National Security Advisor Brent Scowcroft, former Under Secretary and current Acting Secretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger, international economist Alan Stoga, and investment bank T. Jefferson Cunningham III.

Ultimately both Stoga and a retired Brazilian Ambassador working as a consultant to Kissinger Associates, Sergio Correa da Costa, seriously explored finding ways to link BCCI's global network of banks with the services being offered by Kissinger Associates. Discussions between representatives of BCCI and representatives of Kissinger Associates took place over an 18 month period concerning the possibility of merging the capabilities of BCCI and Kissinger Associates on various, mostly unspecified, projects. Following BCCI's indictment, discussions continued as to whether Kissinger Associates could help BCCI respond to the ramifications of that indictment. These discussions ended in early 1989 at Henry Kissinger's personal insistence.

During the discussions, Stoga provided advice to BCCI on a possible public relations campaign. At their conclusion, Kissinger Associates referred BCCI to one its own directors, former Assistant Secretary of State William Rogers, and his firm, Arnold & Porter, who already represented Kissinger Associates on its own legal work. Rogers and Arnold & Porter in turn agreed to provide BCCI with legal services arising out of its indictment, although few services were provided as a consequence of the opposition of Clark Clifford and Robert Altman to the firm's involvement.

Although discussions concerning a broader relationship were cut short by the indictment, the BCCI-Kissinger Associates correspondence reveals much about BCCI's approach to seeking political influence in the United States. The correspondence also highlights BCCI's focus on doing business with, and ability, given its $23 billion in reported assets and 73 countries of operation, to attract interest from, some of the most politically well-connected people in the United States.

Genesis of Interest in BCCI-Kissinger Relationship

And Position Of Kissinger Associates Concerning BCCI

In late July, 1991, the Subcommittee received documents from BCCI's liquidators describing BCCI's use of a retired Brazilian Ambassador, Sergio da Costa, as a front-man for its purchase of a bank in Brazil while da Costa was also working -- according to the BCCI documents -- as a partner in Kissinger Associates.

In September, 1991, staff was advised by press that there were a number of documents at BCCI's document depositories concerning its relationship with Kissinger Associates. Staff were provided some of these documents by reporters, and found others in subsequent reviews of BCCI documents at its former offices in New York. These documents, on both Kissinger Associates and BCCI stationery, discussed in general terms the services Kissinger Associates might perform for BCCI, and were dated both before and after BCCI's indictment on drug money laundering charges in Tampa. Accordingly, they raised the question of whether Kissinger Associates had ever been retained by BCCI.

In November, 1991, the Committee on Foreign Relations authorized a subpoena for all documents to Kissinger Associates and related entities, for all documents pertaining to BCCI, and for its client lists.

In response, Kissinger Associates promised to cooperate with the Subcommittee investigation and to provide all documents pertaining to BCCI, under an agreement that the subpoena not be served. Kissinger Associates refused, however, to provide the client list, arguing that the list was beyond the parameters of the investigation into BCCI by the Subcommittee, and advising the Subcommittee that if it pursued the list, Kissinger Associates would litigate the matter, if necessary, through an extensive appellate process to the Supreme Court.



Henry B. Gonzalez, (TX-20)
(House of Representatives - May 02, 1991)

The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under a previous order of the House, the gentleman from Texas is recognized for 60 minutes.

Mr. GONZALEZ. Mr. Speaker, during a special order last week, I revealed that Henry Kissinger was a paid member of the Banca Nazionale del Lavoro Consulting Board for International Policy. Mr. Kissinger held this position during the height of the biggest banking scandal in United States history--$4 billion in unreported loans to Iraq by the Atlanta branch of BNL. This week I will reveal some new information regarding Mr. Kissinger and his relationship with BNL. I will also include in the Record a detailed list of Mr. Brent Scowcroft's stock holdings.


In order to learn more about Mr. Kissinger's role at BNL, committee investigators contacted an attorney representing BNL in the United States and asked him to contact BNL in Rome. The BNL employee in Rome told BNL's attorney the following:

Mr. Kissinger has been a member of the BNL International Advisory Board since 1985. Mr. Kissinger is paid $10,000 for appearing at an Advisory Board meeting and he is paid extra for speaking at BNL functions. It is important to bring these facts out because BNL is owned by the Italian government. In effect, Mr. Kissinger's fees are indirectly paid for with Italian taxpayer money.

Banking Committee investigators were also told that Mr. Kissinger may still be a member of BNL Advisory Board. His term does not expire until next month. This information conflicts with what Mr. Kissinger was quoted as stating in a Financial Times article on April 26. In that article Mr. Kissinger stated that he resigned from BNL's advisory board on February 22, 1991. I will write BNL and Mr. Kissinger in order to clear up this discrepancy.

Mr. Kissinger went on to state in the same Financial Times article:

I resigned earlier this year because I don't want to be connected, I don't want to be asked about this sort of thing.

But it should be noted that Mr. Kissinger supposedly did not resign his BNL post until over 18 months after the BNL scandal became public in August 1989.

Another interesting point to note is the timing of Mr. Kissinger's supposed resignation from BNL on February 22, 1991. That date is just days before the Justice Department announced a 347-count indictment against the former employees of BNL after an exhaustive 18-month investigation. This is quite a coincidence.


BNL was actually a client of Kissinger Associates at the same time BNL's former employees in Atlanta were providing Iraq with billions in unreported loans. This solidifies Mr. Kissinger's link to BNL and raises the question of whether Mr. Kissinger had knowledge of the BNL loans to Iraq.

As I stated last week, many Kissinger Associates clients were doing business with the Iraqis as a direct result of the unreported $4 billion in BNL loans to Iraq. Volvo, whose chairman serves on the Kissinger Associates board of directors, was doing big business in Iraq and it was the beneficiary of BNL loans.

BNL was also the largest participant in the $5.5 billion CCC program for Iraq. Between $800 and $900 million in BNL loans to Iraq were guaranteed by the CCC. BNL was also the second largest participant in the Export-Import program for Iraq. Over $50 million in BNL loans to Iraq were guaranteed by Eximbank. Through these programs it became common knowledge in the export community that BNL was Iraq's prime banker in the United States.

I also reported last week that Mr. Lawrence Eagleburger had ties to BNL. While he was serving as president of Kissinger

Associates, Eagleburger was a board member of a Yugoslavian bank that had a substantial and even incestuous relationship with BNL. BNL was a main factor in the growth of that Yugoslavian bank's operations in the United States.

Despite the many linkages between Kissinger Associates and BNL, Mr. Kissinger still maintains that he had no knowledge of the $4 billion in BNL loans to Iraq.

The fact that BNL was a client of Kissinger Associates also solidifies the link between BNL and two very high ranking Bush administration employees, NSC Director Brent Scowcroft and Deputy Secretary of State Lawrence Eagleburger. Mr. Lawrence Eagleburger and Mr. Brent Scowcroft were both high ranking employees of Kissinger Associates during the period BNL was a client of Kissinger Associates. In other words, part of their paychecks was derived from fees paid by BNL.

The fact that BNL was a client of Kissinger Associates also raises the question of how Mr. Eagleburger and Mr. Scowcroft reacted to the BNL scandal once it became known to them in the fall of 1989. I wonder if either thought it necessary to recuse himself from making decisions on Iraq once the BNL scandal was uncovered?


Finance and Urban Affairs,
Washington, DC, May 2, 1991.


Gulf War 1 and Kissinger Associates means money money money...

Nice Rothbard column from (don't vouch for his politics, but his analysis here is spot-on):


Why, exactly, did we go to war in the Gulf? The answer remains murky, but perhaps we can find one explanation by examining the strong and ominous Kuwait Connection in our government. (I am indebted to an excellent article in an obscure New York tabloid, Downtown, by Bob Feldman, "The Kissinger Affair," March 27.) The Sabahklatura that runs the Kuwait government is immensely wealthy, to the tune of hundreds of billions of dollars, derived from tax/"royalty" loot extracted from oil producers simply because the Sabah tribe claims "sovereignty" over that valuable chunk of desert real estate. The Sabah tribe has no legitimate claim to the oil revenue; it did nothing to homestead or mix its labor or any other resource with the crude oil.

It is reasonable to assume that the Sabah family stands ready to use a modest portion of that ill-gotten wealth to purchase defenders and advocates in the powerful United States. We now focus our attention on the sinister but almost universally Beloved figure of Dr. Henry Kissinger, a lifelong spokesman, counselor, and servitor of the Rockefeller World Empire. Kissinger is so Beloved, in fact, that whenever he appears on Nightline or Crossfire he appears alone, since it seems to be lese-majeste (or even blasphemy) for anyone to contradict the Great One's banal and ponderous Teutonic pronouncements. Only a handful of grumblers and malcontents on the extreme right and extreme left disturb this cozy consensus.


Perhaps the most interesting KA board member is one of the most Beloved figures in the conservative movement, William E. Simon, secretary of treasury in the Nixon and Ford administrations. When Simon left office in 1977, he became a consultant to the Bechtel Corporation, which has had the major massive construction contracts to build oil refineries and cities in Saudi Arabia. In addition, Simon became a consultant to Suliman Olayan, one of the wealthiest and most powerful businessmen in Saudi Arabia. Long a close associate of the oil-rich Saudi royal family, Olayan had served Bechtel well by getting it the multi-billion contract to build the oil city of Jubail. In 1980, furthermore, Olayan hired William Simon to be chairman of two investment firms owned jointly by himself and the influential Saudi Prince Khaled al Saud.

Bechtel, the Rockefellers, and the Saudi royal family have long had an intimate connection. After the Saudis granted the Rockefeller dominated Aramco oil consortium the monopoly of oil in Saudi Arabia, the Rockefellers brought their pals at Bechtel in on the construction contracts. The Bechtel Corporation, of course, has also contributed George Shultz and Cap Weinberger to high office in Republican administrations. To complete the circle, KA director Simon's former boss Suliman Olayan was, in 1988, the largest shareholder in the Chase Manhattan Bank after David Rockefeller himself.


Helping Iraq Kill with Chemical Weapons:
The Relevance of Yesterday's US Hypocrisies Today



The US not only helped arm Iraq with military equipment right up to the time of the Kuwait invasion in 1989, as did Germany, Britain, France, Russia and others, and the US not only sold Iraq chemical materials for their war against Iran between 1985-1988, but the US also helped Iraq gas and kill tens of thousands of Iranians. As summed up in the New York Times (10-11-02) by reporter Nicholas Kristof, "In the 1980's we provided his army with satellite intelligence so that it could use chemical weapons against Iranian soldiers. When Saddam used nerve gas and mustard gas against Kurds in 1988, the Reagan administration initially tried to blame Iran. We shipped seven strains of anthrax to Iraq between 1978 and 1988."

According to another New York Times article (8-29-02) Col. Walter P. Lang, a senior defense intelligence officer at the time, explained that D.I.A. and C.I.A. officials "were desperate to make sure that Iraq did not lose" to Iran. "The use of gas on the battlefield by the Iraqis was not a matter of deep strategic concern," he said. One veteran said, that the Pentagon "wasn't so horrified by Iraq's use of gas." "It was just another way of killing people - whether with a bullet or phosgene, it didn't make any difference."


Gonzalez revealed, for example, that Brent Scowcroft served as Vice Chairman of Kissinger Associates until being appointed as National Security Advisor to President Bush in January 1989. As Gonzalez reported, "Until October 4,1990, Mr. Scowcroft owned stock in approximately 40 U.S. corporations, many of which were doing busies in Iraq." Scowcroft's stock included that in Halliburton Oil, also doing business in Iraq at the time, which had also been run by current Vice President Dick Cheney for a time. Recall that this year President George Bush Sr. faced suspicion of insider trading in relation to selling his stock in Halliburton. The companies that Scowcroft owned stock in, according to Gonzalez, "received more than one out of every eight U.S. export licenses for exports to Iraq. Several of the companies were also clients of Kissinger Associates while Mr. Scowcroft was Vice Chairman of that firm." Thus, Kissinger Associates helped US companies obtain US export licenses with BNL-finance so Iraq could purchase US weapons and materials for its weapons programs.

Many US business-men and officials made handsome profits. This included Henry Kissinger, the former Secretary of State under Richard Nixon, who was an employee of BNL while BNL was simultaneously a paying client of Kissinger Associates. Gonzalez reported that Mr. Alan Stoga, a Kissinger Associates executive, met in June 1989 Mr. Saddam Hussein in Baghdad. "Many Kissinger Associates clients received US export licenses for exports to Iraq. Several were also the beneficiaries of BNL loans to Iraq," said Mr. Gonzalez. Kissinger admitted that "it is possible that somebody may have advised a client on how to get a license."

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Octafish Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Sun Jan-30-05 12:07 PM
Response to Reply #11
14. Not take-out. Kissinger DELIVERS.
Understanding U.S.-Iraq Crisis


35. How did U.S. corporations help Iraq obtain weapons of mass destruction?

During its alliance with the United States in the 1970s and 1980s, Iraq had active programs producing chemical and biological weapons, and researching and working towards production of a nuclear weapon. These programs were actively and knowingly supported by U.S. corporations and the U.S. government, as revealed in 1994 House Banking Committee hearings. Those hearings revealed, among other things, that the American Type Culture Collection, a company outside of Washington DC, had provided Iraq with the seed stock for biological weapons agents including anthrax, botulinum, e-coli and many more, under license by the U.S. Commerce Department.

A leak in the German newspaper die Tageszeitung of some of the 8,000 pages that Washington deleted from Iraq's December 7, 2002, arms declaration provided further information. The deleted sections documented 24 U.S. corporations, 55 U.S. subsidiaries of foreign corporations, and a number of U.S. government agencies that provided parts, material, training and other assistance to Iraq's chemical, biological, missile, and nuclear weapons programs throughout the 1970s and 80s, some continuing till the end of 1990. The U.S. corporations include Honeywell, Rockwell, Hewlett Packard, Dupont, Eastman Kodak, Bechtel, and more. U.S. government Departments of Energy, Commerce, Defense and Agriculture, as well as federal laboratories at Sandia, Los Alamos and Lawrence Livermore, were also involved.

A major front-page article in the Washington Post (December 30, 2002) further documented U.S. support for Iraq's WMD programs, especially the chemical program, including trade in weapons and other military goods. The article also detailed the active involvement of Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, then a special envoy of President Reagan to Iraq, in reestablishing full diplomatic relations and improving trade and other economic ties that bolstered Washington's military support of Iraq.

Other Republican insiders were involved in shady deals that helped build Iraq's WMDs. In 1989, news broke of a secret $4 billion loan made to Iraq by a U.S. branch of Banca Nazionale del Lavoro (BNL) of Italy, which at the time employed Henry Kissinger on its Consulting Board for International Policy. Congressman Henry Gonzalez, chair of the banking committee, also noted that an executive of Kissinger Associates met Saddam Hussein in Baghdad in June 1989 at a meeting in which the Iraqi leader apparently expressed interest in expanding commercial relations with the U.S. "Many Kissinger Associates clients received U.S. export licenses for exports to Iraq. Several were also the beneficiaries of BNL loans to Iraq," Congressman Gonzalez wrote in a letter to then-President Bush (senior). Iraq also used the BNL loans to attempt to buy difficult-to-manufacture nuclear weapons components.


He's got some killer deals.
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seemslikeadream Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Sun Jan-30-05 12:30 PM
Response to Reply #14
16. Kissinger Declassified

by Lucy Komisar

>>> I recently got hold of a declassified memorandum about Henry Kissinger's only meeting with Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet. The meeting occurred on June 8, 1976, in Santiago, and the internal State Department memorandum shows how hard Kissinger tried to shield the Chilean general from criticism and assure him that his human rights violations were not a serious problem as far as the U.S. government was concerned.

I had been trying since 1995 to get the memorandum, which was stamped Secret/Nodis (No Distribution). My initial request was refused, but suddenly, to my surprise, the State Department "memorandum of conversation" arrived in the mail in October, shortly after Pinochet's arrest, with a note explaining that, on re-review, it had been opened in full.

The memo describes how Secretary of State Kissinger stroked and bolstered Pinochet, how--with hundreds of political prisoners still being jailed and tortured--Kissinger told Pinochet that the Ford Administration would not hold those human rights violations against him. At a time when Pinochet was the target of international censure for state-sponsored torture, disappearances, and murders, Kis-singer assured him that he was a victim of communist propaganda and urged him not to pay too much attention to American critics.

See scans of the complete Kissinger/Pinochet memo at The Progressive

The meeting occurred at a gathering of the Organization of American States (OAS). Against the advice of most of the State Department's Latin America staff, Kissinger decided to go to Chile for the opening of the OAS general assembly. He and Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs William Rogers flew into Santiago June 7 and met with Pinochet the next day. The site of the meeting was the presidential suite in Diego Portales, an office building used during repairs on La Moneda, the presidential palace Pinochet had bombed on September 11, 1973, when he overthrew Salvador Allende. Chilean Foreign Minister Patricio Carvajal and Ambassador to the United States Manuel Trucco were also there. (I've interviewed Rogers, Carvajal, and Trucco, but not Kissinger, who has refused requests.)

Kissinger was dogged by charges he had promoted the military coup against an elected Allende government, and he sought to maintain a cool public distance from Pinochet. But at his confidential meeting, he promised warm support.

Kissinger first assured Pinochet that they had a strong bond in their overriding anti-communism. Pinochet noted that though the Spaniards had tried to stop communism in the Spanish Civil War, it was springing up again. Kissinger replied, "We had the Spanish King recently, and I discussed that very issue with him."

Then he made clear that the U.S. government was squarely behind Pinochet. "In the United States, as you know, we are sympathetic with what you are trying to do here," Kissinger told Pinochet. "I think that the previous government was headed toward communism. We wish your government well."

A little while later, he added: "My evaluation is that you are a victim of all leftwing groups around the world, and that your greatest sin was that you overthrew a government which was going Communist."

Kissinger dismissed American human rights campaigns against Chile's government as "domestic problems." And he assured Pinochet that he was against sanctions such as those proposed by Senator Edward Kennedy, Democrat of Massachusetts, which would ban arms sales and transfers to governments that were gross human rights violators.

Kissinger joked with Pinochet, saying: "I don't know if you listen in on my phone, but if you do, you have just heard me issue instructions to Washington to make an all-out effort to --if we defeat it, we will deliver the F-5E's as we agreed to do." He told Pinochet, "We held up for a while in order to avoid providing additional ammunition to our enemies."

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seemslikeadream Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Sun Jan-30-05 03:31 AM
Response to Reply #8
12. Kissinger and Argentina: a case study in US support for state terror
Edited on Sun Jan-30-05 03:40 AM by seemslikeadream
By Bill Vann
31 December 2003

Only days before the US government and media launched their propaganda campaign over the capture of Saddam Hussein, the US State Department was obliged to release a set of 27-year-old, previously classified documents. These documents provide a revealing glimpse into the real attitude of successive US governments toward dictatorships and terror.

The documents concern a closed-door meeting in October, 1976 between then-US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and the foreign minister of the Argentine military dictatorship, Admiral Cesar Augusto Guzzetti. The documents were brought to light December 4 by the National Security Archive < >, a non-governmental research institute that specializes in obtaining secret US government documents under the Freedom of Information Act and making them available to the public.

The principal document is a memorandum of conversationreferred to in State Department parlance as a menconthat recorded the hitherto secret discussions held between Kissinger and Guzzetti at the Waldorf Astoria Hotel in New York City, where the US secretary of state was participating in a United Nations debate on the Middle East.

Guzzetti gave Kissinger a progress report on the dirty war that the Argentine military regime was carrying out against the countrys workers, students and intellectuals:

Our struggle has had very good results during the last four months, he said. The terrorist organizations have been dismantled. If this direction continues, by the end of the year the danger will have been set aside.

In point of fact, the savage repression unleashed by the dictatorship was only then reaching its apogee. The mass killings, disappearances and torture would continue unabated for several more years, claiming the lives of some 30,000 Argentines.

--snip-- ...

Old Pals in the White House Cabinet Room, 17 June 1976
Bush Senior (left middle), Cheney (centre, with hair!), Kissinger (right, sitting)
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Octafish Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Sun Jan-30-05 12:17 PM
Response to Reply #12
15. It's Greed, Not Ideology, that Rules the White House
Why the US Wants Iraq's Debts Cancelled - and Argentina's Paid in Full

By Naomi Klein
December 23, 2003

Contrary to predictions, the doors of Old Europe weren't slammed in James Baker's face as he asked forgiveness for Iraq's foreign debt last week. Germany and France appear to have signed on, and Russia is softening. In the days leading up to Baker's drop-the-debt tour, there was virtual consensus that the former US secretary of state had been sabotaged by deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, whose move to shut out "non-coalition" partners from reconstruction contracts in Iraq of $18.6bn seemed designed to make Baker look a hypocrite.

Only now it turns out that Wolfowitz may not have been undermining Baker, but rather acting as his enforcer. He showed up with a big stick to point out "the threat of economic exclusion from Iraq's potential $500bn reconstruction" just as Baker was about to speak softly. The Iraqi people "should not be saddled with the debt of a brutal regime," said White House spokesman Scott McClellan. No argument here. But when I heard about Baker's "noble mission", as George Bush described it, I couldn't help thinking about an under-reported story earlier this month. On December 4, the Miami Herald published excerpts from a state department transcript of a meeting on October 7 1976 between Henry Kissinger, then secretary of state under Gerald Ford, and Admiral Csar Augusto Guzzetti, Argentina's then foreign minister under the military dictatorship.

It was the height of Argentina's dirty war to destroy the "Marxist threat" by systematically torturing and killing not only armed guerrillas, but also peaceful union organisers, student activists and their friends, families and sympathisers. By the end of the dictatorship, approximately 30,000 people had been "disappeared". At the time of the meeting, at the Waldorf Astoria in New York, much of Argentina's left had already been erased, and news of bodies washing up on the banks of the Rio de la Plata was drawing increasingly urgent calls for sanctions. Yet the transcript of the meeting reveals that the US government not only knew about the disappearances, it openly approved of them.

Guzzetti reports to Kissinger on "good results in the last four months. The terrorist organisations have been dismantled". Kissinger states: "Our basic attitude is that we would like you to succeed... What is not understood in the US is that you have a civil war. We read about human rights problems but not the context. The quicker you succeed, the better."

And here is where Mr Baker's present-day mission becomes relevant. Kissinger moves on to the topic of loans, encouraging Guzzetti to apply for as much foreign assistance as possible before Argentina's "human rights problem" ties US hands. "There are two loans in the bank," Kissinger says, referring to the Inter-American Development Bank. "We have no intention of voting against them ... We would like your economic programme to succeed and will do our best to help you." The World Bank estimates that roughly $10bn of the money borrowed by the generals went on military purchases, including the concentration camps from which thousands never emerged, and hardware for the Falklands war. It also went into numbered Swiss accounts, a sum impossible to track because the generals destroyed all records.


Mammon. Can't beat him.
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seemslikeadream Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Sun Jan-30-05 12:58 PM
Response to Reply #15
17. Maggie is that little Markie trying to board that plane to Texas?
Edited on Sun Jan-30-05 01:18 PM by seemslikeadream
Little trouble with the passport I take it? Too bad about that Equatorial Guinea thing. Our friend Henry will surely be there for him.

Tuesday, 11 September, 2001, 02:53 GMT 03:53 UK

Kissinger accused over Chile plot

Mr Kissinger has denied his involvement

A lawsuit has been filed against the former US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger over his alleged role in the death of the former Chilean army commander, General Rene Schneider, in 1970.
The suit was filed in Washington by members of the general's family. They accuse Mr Kissinger of being involved in what they say was a US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) plot to kill him.

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Tace Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Sat Jan-29-05 09:22 PM
Response to Reply #3
5. I Met Kissinger At A News Conference In '82
He's the personification of a shape-shifting reptilian. If you met him, you'd swear David Ikes is telling the truth. One of the most, if not the most, gut-wrenchingly frightening persons I ever have met.
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mitchum Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Sun Jan-30-05 03:07 AM
Response to Original message
10. kick for the truth
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JohnOneillsMemory Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Sun Jan-30-05 04:59 AM
Response to Original message
13. Bush, LaRouche, IranContra.-from the Unauthorized Bio of George Bush>>

Bush, LaRouche and Iran-Contra

George Bush and his friends have repeatedly told political pundits that
America is "tired" and "bored" of hearing about the Iran-Contra affair.

Bush has taken a dim view of those who were not tired or bored, but fought him.

Oct. 6, 1986 was a fateful day in Washington. The secret government
apparatus learned that the Hasenfus plane had been shot down the day
before, and went scurrying about to protect its exposed parts. At the same
time, it sent about 400 heavily armed FBI agents, other federal, state and
local policemen storming into the Leesburg, Virginia, publishing offices
associated with the American dissident political leader Lyndon LaRouche,

LaRouche and his political movement had certified their danger to the Bush
program. Six months before the raid, LaRouche associates Mark Fairchild and
Janice Hart had gained the Democratic nominations for Illinois lieutenant
governor and secretary of state; they won the primary elections after
denouncing the government-mafia joint coordination of the narcotics trade.
With this notoriety, LaRouche was certain to act in an even more
unpredictable and dangerous fashion as a presidential candidate in 1988.
LaRouche allies were at work throughout Latin America, promoting resistance
to the Anglo-Americans. The LaRouche-founded "Executive Intelligence
Review" had exposed U.S. government covert support for Khomeini's Iranians,
beginning in 1980.

More directly, the LaRouchites were fighting the Bush apparatus for its
money. Connecticut widow Barbara Newington, who had given Spitz Channell's
National Endowment for the Preservation of Liberty $1,735,578 out of its
total 1985 income of $3,360,990, / Note #9 / Note #0 was also contributing
substantial sums to LaRouche-related publishing efforts ... which were
exposing the Contras and their dope-pushing. Fundraiser Michael Billington
argued with Mrs. Newington, warning her not to give money to the
Bush-North-Spitz Channell gang.

Back on August 19, 1982, and on November 25, 1982, George Bush's old boss,
Henry A. Kissinger, had written to FBI Director William Webster, asking for
FBI action against "the LaRouche group." In promoting covert action against
LaRouche, Kissinger also got help from James Jesus Angleton, who had
retired as chief of counterintelligence for the CIA. After Yalie Angleton
got going in this anti-dissident work, he mused "Fancy that, now I've
become Kissinger's Rebbe." / Note #9 / Note #1

One week before the raid, an FBI secret memorandum described the LaRouche
political movement as "subversive," and claimed that its "policy positions
... dovetail nicely with Soviet propaganda and disinformation objectives."
/ Note #9 / Note #2

Three months after Spitz Channell's fraud confession, Vice President Bush
denounced LaRouche at an Iowa campaign rally: "I don't like the things
LaRouche does.... He's bilked people out of lots of money, and
misrepresented what causes money was going to. LaRouche is in a lot of
trouble, and deserves to be in a lot of trouble." / Note #9 / Note #3

LaRouche and several associates eventually went on trial in Boston, on a
variety of "fraud" charges -- neither "subversion" nor defunding the
Contras was in the indictments. Bush was now running hard for the

Suddenly, in the midst of the primary elections, the LaRouche trial took a
threatening turn. On March 10, 1988, Federal Judge Robert E. Keeton ordered
a search of the indexes to Vice President George Bush's confidential files
to determine whether his spies had infiltrated LaRouche-affiliated

Iran-Contra Special Prosecutor Lawrence Walsh had acquired, and turned over
to the LaRouche defense, in response to an FOIA request, a secret
memorandum found in Oliver North's safe. It was a mes sage from Gen.
Richard Secord to North, written May 5, 1986 -- four days after North had
met with George Bush and Felix Rodriguez to confirm that Rodriguez would
continue running guns to the Contras using Spitz Channell's payments to
Richard Secord. The memo, released in the Boston courtroom, said, "Lewis
has met with FBI and other agency reps and is apparently meeting again
today. Our Man here claims Lewis has collected info against LaRouche." /
Note #9 / Note #4

The government conceded that "our man here" in the memo was Bush Terrorism
Task Force member Oliver "Buck" Revell, the assistant director of the FBI.
"Lewis" -- "soldier of fortune" Fred Lewis -- together with Bush operatives
Gary Howard and Ron Tucker, had met later in May 1986, with C. Boyden Gray,
counsel to Vice President Bush. / Note #9 / Note #5

Howard and Tucker, deputy sheriffs from Bush-family-controlled Midland,
Texas, were couriers and bagmen for money transfers between the National
Security Council and private "counterterror" companies. They were also
professional sting artists. Howard and Tucker had sold 100 battle tanks to
a British arms dealer for shipment to Iran, and had taken his $1.6 million.
Then they turned him in to British authorities and claimed a huge reward. A
British jury, outraged at Howard and Tucker, threw out the criminal case in
late 1983.

The LaRouche defense contended, with the North memo and other declassified
documents, that the Bush apparatus had sent spies and provocateurs into the
LaRouche political movement in an attempt to wreck it.

Judge Keeton demanded that the Justice Department tell him why information
they withheld from the defense was now appearing in court in declassified

The government was not forthcoming, and in May 1988, the judge declared a
mistrial. The jury told the newspapers they would have voted for acquittal.

But Bush could not afford to quit. LaRouche and his associates were simply
indicted again, on new charges. This time they were brought to trial before
a judge who could be counted on.

Judge Albert V. Bryan, Jr. was the organizer, lawyer and banker of the
world's largest private weapons dealer, Interarms of Alexandria, Virginia.
As the new LaRouche trial began, the CIA-front firm that the judge had
founded controlled 90 percent of the world's official private weapons
traffic. Judge Bryan had personally arranged the financing of more than a
million weapons traded by Interarms between the CIA, Britain and Latin

Agency for International Development trucks carried small arms, rifles,
machine guns and ammunition from Interarms in Alexandria for flights to
Cuba -- first for Castro's revolutionary forces. Then, Judge Bryan's
company, Interarms, provided guns for the anti-Castro initiatives of the
CIA Miami Station, for Rodriguez, Shackley, Posada Carriles, Howard Hunt,
Frank Sturgis, et al. When George Bush was CIA director, Albert V. Bryan's
company was the leading private supplier of weapons to the CIA. / Note #9 /
Note #6

In the LaRouche trial, Judge Bryan prohibited virtually all defense
initiatives. The jury foreman, Buster Horton, had top secret clearance for
government work with Oliver North and Oliver "Buck" Revell. LaRouche and
his associates were declared guilty.

On January 27, 1989 -- one week after George Bush became President -- Judge
Albert V. Bryan sentenced the 66-year-old dissident leader LaRouche to 15
years in prison. Michael Billington, who had tried to wreck the illicit
funding for the Contras, was jailed for three years with LaRouche; he was
later railroaded into a Virginia court and sentenced to another "77 years
in prison" for "fundraising fraud."
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Karenina Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Sun Jan-30-05 04:30 PM
Response to Reply #13
Now, John, you know FULL WELL folks can't handle all that all at once without dey haids going :nuke:

YOU BEHAVE! :spank:
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seemslikeadream Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Mon Jan-31-05 09:52 AM
Response to Original message
19. A kick for Subversion
Edited on Mon Jan-31-05 10:05 AM by seemslikeadream
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Karenina Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Mon Jan-31-05 01:51 PM
Response to Reply #19
20. And one for
reading comprehension. :evilgrin:
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donsu Donating Member (1000+ posts) Send PM | Profile | Ignore Mon Jan-31-05 02:06 PM
Response to Original message
21. kicking for a revolution
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