http://www.senliscouncil.net/Iraq - Angry Hearts and Angry Minds
Iraq - Angry Hearts and Angry Minds report cover
# LONDON, 26 JUNE 2008
The Senlis Council has maintained an operational base in the southern provinces of Afghanistan since 2004. Initially aimed at providing a firsthand view of the burgeoning opium trade, this local presence in Kandahar and Helmand has enabled us to develop an expertise in many of the issues associated with poppy cultivation.
Building upon this foundation, The Senlis Council broadened its examination of other key theatres within the War on Terror, launching a research platform in Somalia – the first outside of Afghanistan – in March 2008. On the ground research in May 2008 a third conflict zone – Iraq – led to this report, and prompted The Senlis Council to consider an alternative approach to global security issues. In this report we offer a Situation Report (SITREP) on Iraq, as well as the initial findings from a series of interviews conducted in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Somalia, and an examination of what we believe the study of the three conflicts tells us about current global security policy. more...
Download the report (pdf 68pp) Edit: The final section, "3.1 The War on Terror has exacerbated the problems it sought to address" (p.56) begins:
The aftermath of the Cold War heralded its own era of instability. However, rather than
symbolising the United States’ misuse of overwhelming military capability as it does today
and the ‘shock and awe’ that its War on Terror has triggered, the post-Cold War iteration
was instead a projection of the world’s collective incredulity at the sudden collapse of
communism.
Basking in the afterglow of what it believed to be a decisive ideological triumph, the
United States quickly lost its edge. This apparently conclusive victory bestowed Washington
with a sense of invincibility and inherent superiority, prompting a collective malaise in
strategic planning. Carefully crafted alliances with such significant states as Pakistan and
Indonesia were left to fester as the raison d’être for their expedient construction collapsed.
Former Cold War theatres were left abandoned as post-communist states were left to forge
their own futures in relative isolation. It is truly remarkable that so many fledgling states
were established without substantial cost to their populations.
This geopolitical neglect quickly backfired upon the United States. Although clear markers
were put in place regarding what laid in store for the world’s sole superpower (including,
but not exclusively, foiled attacks on the World Trade Centre in 1993; a catastrophic
international intervention in Somalia between 1993 and 1995; terrorist attacks upon US
forces in Saudi Arabia in 1996), Washington’s strategic blinkers prevented it from reacting.
A foreign policy paradigm based upon traditional tenets of overwhelming military and
economic power was ill-positioned to react to the intricate threat matrix that emerged in
the 1990s. The United States’ ability to achieve total battlefield domination through the
power projection toolkit of overwhelming land, sea and air supremacy were suddenly not
enough, as a raft of security challenges emerged that transcended national boundaries.
Terrorism, disease, resource allocation and access to the basic fundamentals of life are now
uppermost in the thoughts of Western strategic planners; classic zero sum game, state-tostate
conflict must rank very low in their priority lists.
While traditional military capabilities must be maintained by Western states, their
collective response to - and anticipation of – global threats is in desperate need of a fourth
arm. Although soft power mechanisms of diplomacy and addressing the legitimate political
grievances of disenfranchised populations around the world is still very much a work in
progress, their centrality to conflict prevention and resolution is without question.
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