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eridani

eridani's Journal
eridani's Journal
March 15, 2016

US Physician Practices Spend More Than $15.4 Billion Annually To Report Quality Measures

http://content.healthaffairs.org/content/35/3/401.abstract

On average, physicians and staff spent a total of 15.1 hours per physician per week dealing with quality measures, with the average physician spending 2.6 hours per week and other staff spending 12.5 hours.

By far the most time — 12.5 hours of physician and staff time per physician per week — was spent on “entering information into the medical record ONLY for the purpose of reporting for quality measures from external entities.”

The time spent by physicians and staff translates to an average cost to a practice of $40,069 per physician per year.

There is much to gain from quality measurement, but the current system is far from being efficient and contributes to negative physician attitudes toward quality measures. Improving the system rapidly will be difficult. Obstacles include the fragmented US health care system, lack of interoperability across EHRs, lack of EHR functionalities to facilitate retrieval of data for quality measures, the cost of change to external entities and to providers, and opposition from vested interests. Increasing efforts to reduce the number of measures and to standardize their use across external entities are being made by the National Quality Forum, the Institute of Medicine, and America’s Health Insurance Plans, as well as by federal agencies such as the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services and the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality. Our data suggest that US health care leaders should make these efforts a priority
.

Comment by Don McCanne of PNH
P: Quality measures in health care have proven to be burdensome, consuming excess resources in both time and money. This study quantifies those costs.

Not only do these quality games waste resources, they have become a significant contributor to physician burnout.

Wouldn’t it be far better to devote these extra resources to improving access to actual health care for the uninsured and underinsured who are now being all too often left out? It would be automatic under a single payer Medicare for all program.
March 15, 2016

How Liberals Tried to Kill the Dream of Single-Payer

Incrementalism only works if you have a vision and long-tern goals.

https://newrepublic.com/article/131251/liberals-tried-kill-dream-single-payer

Let’s first admit the obvious: The political terrain for transformational health care reform is currently quite adverse. A single-payer bill would encounter colossal resistance from, for instance, the health insurance lobby, which is understandably in no great rush to be legislated off the face of the planet (nor does the pharmaceutical industry look forward to long-avoided price negotiations with the government). It’s also true that a Democratic sweep of both houses of Congress is unlikely in the coming election. And Democrats are, in any event, divided on the issue, as this primary election demonstrates.

To proceed, however, from an admission of these facts to an acceptance that the cause should be abandoned is to concede the contest before the first shot has been fired. This is something the Democratic Party has excelled at—with disastrous consequences—for decades. Conservatives, in contrast, have been far more willing to adopt ambitious, long-range political goals, even when contemporaneous political forces are arrayed against them.

As Daniel Stedman Jones describes in his Masters of the Universe: Hayek, Friedman, and the Birth of Neoliberal Politics, the articulation of an initially unpopular, highly ambitious, anti-New Deal “neoliberal” program—outlined and promoted in the decades following World War II by economists like Friedrich Hayek and Milton Friedman and associated think tanks—took decades to “bear fruit.” But when political and economic circumstances changed in the 1970s, conservatives had an ambitious program ready to launch, and the right-wing revolutions of Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher could begin in earnest.

The liberal retreat on single-payer is in line with a long history of centrist Democratic thinking that haplessly confuses rearguard action with political vision. Passing a federal single-payer bill would, no doubt, necessitate key electoral victories, a powerful campaign at the governmental level, and a formidable grassroots struggle. Useful initial steps in this direction might include the election of a president determined to pass single-payer, the restoration of single-payer to the platform of the Democratic Party, and vigorous support for such reform by pundits and scholars in high places. That none of these things may wind up happening is a cause of the alleged political “impossibility” of single-payer—not its result.

<snip>

Second, proposals for “Medicare-for-all” usually call for the elimination of cost sharing, which is to say no copayments, deductibles, and co-insurance
. I’d argue that this is an essential aspect of real universal health care (with some notable exceptions, such payments are absent from the systems of Canada and the United Kingdom). The harms of such payments are all too real: As a result of out-of-pocket exposure, an analysis of survey findings published by the Commonwealth Fund last year put the number of underinsured Americans—the insured who lack sufficient coverage against the cost of medical care—at 31 million in 2014. Though discarding such out-of-pocket payments might sound like a pricey proposition, to the extent that these monies are already being spent, their elimination would be a wash, with no net effect on overall national health expenditures. But again, as is the case with the uninsured, insofar as some individuals and families are avoiding health care because of out-of-pocket payments, the elimination of these financial barriers would result in some real increases in health care utilization.

March 13, 2016

The “Cadillac Tax” on Health Benefits in the United States Will Hit the Middle Class Hardest

http://joh.sagepub.com/content/early/2016/03/08/0020731416637163.abstract

PNHP press release: http://www.pnhp.org/news/2016/march/‘cadillac-tax’-on-health-benefits-will-hit-middle-class-hardest-study

U.S. employment-based health benefits are exempt from income and payroll taxes, an exemption that provided tax subsidies of $326.2 billion in 2015. Both liberal and conservative economists have denounced these subsidies as “regressive” and lauded a provision of the Affordable Care Act — the Cadillac Tax — that would curtail them. The claim that the subsidies are regressive rests on estimates showing that the affluent receive the largest subsidies in absolute dollars. But this claim ignores the standard definition of regressivity, which is based on the share of income paid by the wealthy versus the poor, rather than on dollar amounts. In this study, we calculate the value of tax subsidies in 2009 as a share of income for each income quintile and for the wealthiest Americans. In absolute dollars, tax subsidies were highest for families between the 80th and 95th percentiles of family income and lowest for the poorest 20%. However, as shares of income, subsidies were largest for the middle and fourth income quintiles and smallest for the wealthiest 0.5% of Americans. We conclude that the tax subsidy to employment-based insurance is neither markedly regressive, nor progressive. The Cadillac Tax will disproportionately harm families with (2009) incomes between $38,550 and $100,000, while sparing the wealthy.


Comment by Don McCanne of PNHP: The “Cadillac tax” is an excise tax on premiums of more expensive employer-sponsored health plans. It was included in the Affordable Care Act partly as a revenue source to help pay for ACA, partly to offset the tax subsidies for employer-sponsored insurance that were more generous for higher income individuals, and partly to reduce the incentive to purchase more insurance than necessary under the theory that making patients more sensitive to health care costs will prevent spending on supposedly excessive health care services (certainly a contentious point).

Because of the high costs of health care, we do need funding mechanisms that result in a transfer to those less able to pay. The Cadillac tax is a problem because, instead of disproportionately assessing the very wealthy, it impacts primarily working families. Not only is the tax unfair, the health plans will likely have their benefits reduced in an effort to escape the taxes.

In a PNHP press release (link above), Steffie Woolhandler, one of the co-authors of the report, stated, “Taxpayers should be paying directly for health care through Medicare-for-All, not indirectly through tax subsidies to private insurance. However, removing the tax subsidies – as Obamacare will do – without setting Medicare-for-All in place is a step backwards. It’s shameful that economists have provided cover for this tax that will hit middle-class families and largely spare the wealthy.”

The Cadillac tax is just one more example of the flawed policy patches required simply because the architects of reform decided to build on our current dysfunctional, fragmented financing system instead of replacing it with a more efficient, effective and equitable single payer Medicare-for-all program. That doesn’t mean that we have to live with our highly flawed system. We can still change it.

My comment: Do you know what they call "Cadillac plans" in other developed countries? Just plain old "health care."




March 8, 2016

Medicaid and CHIP premiums decrease access to health care

Well, like, duuuhhhh!!


http://pediatrics.aappublications.org/content/137/3/1.24

OBJECTIVE: Our objective was to review effects of premiums on children’s coverage and access.

RESULTS: Four studies examined population-level coverage effects by using national survey data, 11 studies examined trends in disenrollment and reenrollment by using administrative data, and 2 studies measured additional outcomes. No eligible studies evaluated health status effects. Increases in premiums were associated with increased disenrollment rates in 7 studies that permitted comparison. Larger premium increases and stringent enforcement tended to have larger effects on disenrollment. At a population level, premiums reduce public insurance enrollment and may increase the uninsured rate for lower-income children. Little is known about effects of premiums on spending or access to care, but 1 study reveals premiums are unlikely to yield substantial revenue.

CONCLUSIONS: Public insurance premiums often increase disenrollment from public insurance and may have unintended consequences on overall coverage for low-income childre
n.

Comment by Don McCanne of PNHP
: Most individuals are relatively sensitive to the health insurance premiums they pay. This particular analysis of multiple studies shows that the rate of low-income children enrolling in the Medicaid or CHIP programs declines as the premium increases. Since an important objective is to try to ensure that all low-income children have insurance coverage, charging premiums for the government programs is an unwise policy as it results in the opposite outcome.

In fact, health insurance premiums are a deterrent to enrollment for all populations. A goal of health reform was to have everyone covered (though that was abandoned when it was acknowledged that the Affordable Care Act model could not accomplish this). Thus we still have 29 million people who remain uninsured without much of a prospect that we can significantly decrease the numbers simply because of the administrative complexity of the ACA model. Many of these 29 million people are disqualified for the public programs or cannot afford even subsidized premiums and thus will remain uninsured.

A single payer system is not funded through insurance premiums but rather is funded through equitable taxes based on the ability to pay. Taxes are automatic. An individual does not have the option of not paying them, unlike the option of declining to pay insurance premiums, thus forgoing coverage. True, some people fail to pay their taxes. Although that might cause problems with the IRS, it does not result in the revocation of the right to enjoy the fruits of government funded services. If we funded an improved Medicare for All program through the tax system, nobody would lose his or her coverage for non-payment. Health care coverage would always be there for everyone.

We should be supporting effective policies that would bring health care to all of us rather than being distracted by peripheral issues such as protecting the the interests of the inefficient private insurers. Switching from insurance premiums paid to private plans to equitable taxes to fund a more efficient public insurance program is exactly the type of public policy that we should be considering if we really do want everyone to have health care.

March 6, 2016

Cherry-picking Statistics to Bash Sanders’ Medicare-for-All Plan

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/steffie-woolhandler/bernie-sanders-medicare-for-all_b_9385012.html

In the heat of battling Sen. Bernie Sanders, Hillary Clinton's camp (and the camp followers at the Washington Post and Fortune magazine) has made a remarkable discovery: National health insurance (aka Medicare-for-All) hurts poor people.

How is that possible? It's not. But a widely-quoted analysis by Ken Thorpe, a former Clinton administration official, used statistical sleight of hand to zoom in on the tiny slice of the poor who might pay more (while getting better care), and hide the vast majority who would gain.

Here are the real numbers we came up with by analyzing data from the Census Bureau's 2015 Current Population Survey, the standard source for estimates of income and health insurance coverage.

At present 9.2 million people living in poverty -- and 8.8 million just above the poverty line -- are uninsured. They often can't get vital care, and when they do, they face ruinous medical bills. For these 18 million, Medicare-for-All would be a godsend.

Another 10.7 million poor Americans and 21.5 million near-poor have private insurance. For virtually all of them, the new Medicare-for-All taxes would cost less than their current premiums.

Some of this windfall would go directly to families that now pay all or part of their own premiums.

The rest would go to employers who now chip in to premiums for the poor and near-poor workers, but most economists believe these gains would be passed on to workers since benefit costs are, in fact, deducted from wages.


Comment by Don McCanne of PNHP: An Improved Medicare for All system would provide for everyone all necessary health care, and it would be funded with progressive taxes that are fair and affordable for each of us. Using one tentative set of tax policies as an example of how the system could be funded does not change this basic truth.

Selected numbers associated with Bernie Sanders’ loosely sketched out Medicare for All proposal have been used to attack the fundamental concept of single payer with no acknowledgement that eventual legislation would ferret out any numbers or assumptions that might be slightly off (though that's in dispute) and then carefully tune them to get the financing right.

One example, using the widely circulated set of numbers, indicates that some lower income individuals might end up paying more than they do now, though the extent and intensity of the deficits have been exaggerated, as the analysis by Steffie Woolhandler and David Himmelstein shows.

The point is that tax policies are quite malleable, with many potential sources and variable rates. They can be adjusted to ensure that taxes would be equitable for all.

Under the tentative Sanders numbers, about 1.2 million lower-income individuals might be slightly worse off financially, but at least they would be insured. Compare that to the 2.9 million adults who are in the ACA coverage gap who remain uninsured - a far worse problem than facing a modest financial imbalance. It would be far easier to adjust the taxes under a single payer system than it would be to fill in the coverage gap resulting from the complex administrative infrastructure created by ACA.

Those who continue to bash the Medicare for All concept based on tentative numbers and then conclude that we should stick with the Affordable Care Act are being disingenuous.

The Medicare for All model only needs fine tuning to meet the goal of health care for all, whereas merely patching the irreparably flawed ACA infrastructure will always leave us short of the goal. We need the right infrastructure, and then we can get them numbers right.

March 3, 2016

Health Care ‘Retailization’ Is Coming

http://www.politico.com/tipsheets/politico-pulse/2016/03/cms-issues-final-marketplace-rule-slavitt-health-care-retailization-is-coming-why-no-medicaid-expansion-in-south-dakota-this-year-212964

Speaking at the Federation of American Hospitals annual meeting on Monday, CMS acting administrator Andy Slavitt invited providers to join the agency's ongoing push for the "retailization" of health care.

"A retail strategy calls on you to imagine you are negotiating directly with a cash paying consumer who used to be a source of bad debt — except one who now has the wherewithal to pay for services and wants to build a relationship where they can also find elective, outpatient and wellness services," Slavitt said. He went on to elaborate about the need for further price and billing transparency in health care — just like in other consumer markets.


Comment by Don McCanne of PNHP: Yesterday, at the annual meeting of the Federation of American Hospitals, Acting CMS Administrator Andy Slavitt asked the for-profit hospitals to join CMS’s ongoing push for the "retailization" of health care.

Retailization? Providers should imagine negotiating with cash paying consumers. They should strive for “further price and billing transparency in health care — just like in other consumer markets.”

Could there be a more explicit advocacy of consumer-driven health care - placing the patient-consumer in charge of health care spending? It fits with CMS’s efforts to privatize Medicare by over-paying the private Medicare Advantage plans, with overtures to convert Medicare to a premium support (voucher) market of private plans.

Politics? This is coming from an administration headed by a Democrat - a neoliberal administration that has been mislabeled as progressive - and supported by a presidential candidate who rejects Medicare for All and wants to build on Obamacare with its high deductible private health plans that place the patient-consumer in charge.

Retailization. Watch out, here it comes!

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Gender: Female
Hometown: Washington state
Home country: USA
Current location: Directly above the center of the earth
Member since: Sat Aug 16, 2003, 02:52 AM
Number of posts: 51,907

About eridani

Major policy wonk interests: health care, Social Security/Medicare/Medicaid, election integrity
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