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eridani

Profile Information

Gender: Female
Hometown: Washington state
Home country: USA
Current location: Directly above the center of the earth
Member since: Sat Aug 16, 2003, 02:52 AM
Number of posts: 51,309

About Me

Major policy wonk interests: health care, Social Security/Medicare/Medicaid, election integrity

Journal Archives

Traditional Medicare Versus Private Insurance: How Spending, Volume, And Price Change--

--At Age Sixty-Five

http://content.healthaffairs.org/content/35/5/864.abstract

To slow the growth of Medicare spending, some policy makers have advocated raising the Medicare eligibility age from the current sixty-five years to sixty-seven years. For the majority of affected adults, this would delay entry into Medicare and increase the time they are covered by private insurance. Despite its policy importance, little is known about how such a change would affect national health care spending, which is the sum of health care spending for all consumers and payers—including governments. We examined how spending differed between Medicare and private insurance using longitudinal data on imaging and procedures for a national cohort of individuals who switched from private insurance to Medicare at age sixty-five. Using a regression discontinuity design, we found that spending fell by $38.56 per beneficiary per quarter — or 32.4 percent — upon entry into Medicare at age sixty-five. In contrast, we found no changes in the volume of services at age sixty-five. For the previously insured, entry into Medicare led to a large drop in spending driven by lower provider prices, which may reflect Medicare’s purchasing power as a large insurer. These findings imply that increasing the Medicare eligibility age may raise national health care spending by replacing Medicare coverage with private insurance, which pays higher provider prices than Medicare does.


Comment by Don McCanne of PNHP: This study looked at the changes in spending and volume of services for individuals who, at age 65, transferred from private insurance to the traditional Medicare program. The authors showed that the volume of services remained the same, but spending went down, which reflects the lower provider prices that Medicare pays compared to private insurers.

One suggestion that has been made to “save Medicare” from future federal budget deficits would be to increase the eligibility age from 65 to 67. They showed that this would actually increase our national health expenditures without changing the volume of services, not exactly the health care cost containment that we are seeking.

Conservatives and neoliberals might think that the increase in spending would be worth it just to advance their ideological goal of relying less on government spending and more on the private sector. But a portion of the reduction in federal spending would be offset by increased Medicaid coverage for those eligible, and increased ACA premium tax credits and cost-sharing subsidies, resulting in tax revenue losses and greater outlays. Not a good deal at all.

Others have suggested that we should expand Medicare enrollment, perhaps by reducing the eligibility age in 5 year increments. Although it would be an extrapolation of this study, it is not unreasonable to assume that we could significantly reduce our expenditures without any change in the volume of services for those who otherwise would have been privately insured.

Or go all the way. Replace the private insurers with a Medicare for all program. Not only is Medicare a more efficient purchaser of health care services, the recovery of much of the profound administrative waste of our fragmented financing system would be enough to fully fund a health care system for all without increasing our national health expenditures from the current level.

Remember who the patient is. It is not the government budget. It is the people who need health care.
Establishing a well-designed single payer Medicare-for-all system would take care of the people, and the government budget would perk along just fine.

The Neoliberal Model Comes Home to Roost in the United States — If We Let It

http://monthlyreview.org/2016/05/01/obamacare/

Many countries have rejected the neoliberal model, and have instead constructed health systems based on the goal of “health care for all” (HCA). Such countries strive to provide universal access to care without tiers of differing benefit packages for rich and poor. For instance, Canada prohibits private insurance coverage for services provided by its national health program. Because Canada’s wealthy must participate in the publicly financed system, the presence of the entire population in a unitary system assures a high-quality national program. In Latin America, countries trying to advance the HCA model include Bolivia, Brazil, Cuba, Ecuador, Uruguay, and Venezuela. The inevitable failure of Obamacare may open a space, finally, for even the United States to pursue a national health program that does not follow the neoliberal model.


A Neoliberal’s Manifesto

http://www.washingtonmonthly.com/features/1983/8305_Neoliberalism.pdf

If neoconservatives are liberals who took a critical look at liberalism and decided to become conservatives, we are liberals who took the same look and decided to retain our goals but to abandon some of our prejudices. We still believe in liberty and justice and a fair chance for all, in mercy for the afflicted and help for the down and out. But we no longer automatically favor unions and big government or oppose the military and big business. Indeed, in our search for solutions that work, we have come to distrust all automatic responses, liberal or conservative.

Comment by Don McCanne Of PNHP: The majority of Americans would like to see a high quality health care system that is affordable and accessible for everyone. We do not have that now. Why not?

Progressives/liberals generally recognize that costs and market dysfunctions require a major role of government in financing health care. Conservatives/libertarians believe that free markets can fulfill that role with the exception that those impoverished not by choice need private charity or the helping hand of government. But it is those in the middle - the moderates - who determine policy through the election process. So who are they?

They are both Republicans and Democrats. In health care, they support private financing, primarily through insurance, though they support public tax expenditures to help pay for the most common coverage - employer-sponsored plans. They also support Medicare for seniors and those with disabilities, and most support Medicaid for low-income individuals and families.

In fact, President Obama abandoned single payer in favor of the Heritage Foundation proposal, based on these principles, since it had broad bipartisan support - or so he thought, until the Republicans decided that a political defeat for Obama was more important than improving our health care system.

So what happened to these moderates? The Republicans have retreated toward the right where they would try to tolerate the conservative tea party faction. The moderate Democrats did not move to the left but instead also moved somewhat toward the right into the pro-market neoliberal niche. Following the groundwork laid by President Reagan, President Bill Clinton followed a neoliberal path in which "the era of big government is over" (State of the Union, 1996). The neoliberals then became the establishment force in the Democratic Party. President Obama, whether voluntarily or through political obstructionism, did not change the direction of the party. The likely next president has indicated that she will follow the neoliberal Clintonian path as well and not change direction in health care.

Today’s article describes how neoliberalism and its advocacy of using markets instead of the government to control the financing of health care has resulted in our overpriced and underperforming health care system, as if the neoliberals have failed to see the irony of a health care system that is already 60 percent funded through the tax system and that has failed to conform to free market dynamics.


Whatever labels are used, the majority of Americans support Medicare. If we already had an improved version of Medicare that included everyone, the support would be near unanimous. The neoliberals either need to take a reality check on their ideology, or they need to attend the next local tea party function and listen to the voices extolling the virtues of a society without a functioning government.




Is ACA Coverage Affordable for Low-Income People? Perspectives from Individuals in Six Cities

http://kff.org/health-reform/issue-brief/is-aca-coverage-affordable-for-low-income-people-perspectives-from-individuals-in-six-cities/

Issue Brief:
http://kff.org/report-section/is-aca-coverage-affordable-for-low-income-people-perspectives-from-individuals-in-six-cities-issue-brief-8867/

While people were grateful for coverage, unexpected bills, dealing with insurance companies, and facing known deductibles were sources of stress which made those with Marketplace coverage fearful to use the coverage they had. They were particularly frustrated by the out-of-pocket costs, which were unaffordable to many and wanted insurance that didn’t come with so many hidden costs.


Comment by Don McCanne of PNHP: This report of nine focus groups confirms that real people have found that the Affordable Care Act (ACA) often fails to provide access to affordable care.

Although the leading candidate for president has said that she wants to build on ACA, reducing premiums and deductibles pours yet more tax money into what is the most expensive and least efficient model of health care financing. The model cannot really be fixed if we want true value in health care. It needs to be replaced with a model that does work - a single payer national health program - Improved Medicare for All.

Ryan wants to end Obamacare cost protections for sick consumers

http://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-health-ryan-idUSKCN0XP00C

U.S. House of Representatives Speaker Paul Ryan called on Wednesday for an end to Obamacare's financial protections for people with serious medical conditions, saying these consumers should be placed in state high-risk pools.

In election-year remarks that could shed light on an expected Republican healthcare alternative, Ryan said existing federal policy that prevents insurers from charging sick people higher rates for health coverage has raised costs for healthy consumers while undermining choice and competition.

The rule, a cornerstone of President Barack Obama's Affordable Care Act, has been praised by patient advocates for providing access to medical care for people who previously could not afford private health insurance. The Affordable Care Act also bars insurers from excluding coverage for pre-existing conditions.


Comment by Don McCanne of PNHP:
House Speaker Paul Ryan has promised to produce the Republican alternative to the Affordable car Act, likely before the Republican convention in July. In his comments at Georgetown University yesterday he discussed what would be the most important policy supposedly designed to control health care spending for the vast majority of Americans: Establish state level risk pools for the 10 percent of people with the greatest health care needs. Let's see what that means.

The top 10 percent of individuals in spending account for 65 percent of health care costs. By removing them from the standard insurance pools that means that the other 90 percent would have to pay insurance premiums that funded only 35 percent of total health care. Ryan says that this would lower insurance premiums through competition, but that is nonsense. Premiums would be much lower because two-thirds of health care costs are pulled out of the insurance plans in the marketplace. Surely most Americans would be happy with private insurance premiums that were one-third of what they would be if everyone were included. It would be a very popular program, and the Republicans would take credit for it.

But what about the 10 percent of people who account for two-thirds of our health care costs. Their premiums would have to be about 7 times what the premium would be if everyone were covered under a common risk pool, or about 20 times what everyone else is paying. As Paul Ryan says, they are “really kind of uninsurable.” So he proposes high-risk pools at the state level, with subsidized premiums. Expecting the states to subsidize two-thirds of our health care costs is a non-starter. Without massive increases in taxes, which are opposed by the Republicans anyway, the states would not be able to fund those pools.

We already have considerable experience with state high-risk pools. In recent decades, thirty-five states established such pools, and overall they were a spectacular failure. Also, the Affordable Care Act authorized temporary Pre-Existing Condition Insurance Plans (PCIP) which were also high-risk pools. These plans proved to be prohibitively expensive to administer, prohibitively expensive for consumers to purchase, and offered much less than optimal coverage, often with annual and lifetime limits, coverage gaps, and very high premiums and deductibles.

It is so obvious on the face of it. Most of us might be happy with our low premiums, but we would be very unhappy with the massive increases in regressive state taxes that would be enacted to pay for this. Vermont’s reform effort failed once the tax consequences were recognized, and that wasn’t even for high-risk pools.

As I wrote in a previous Quote of the Day, “With a single payer system this problem disappears. Funding is based on ability to pay, through the tax system, and not on the basis of anticipated medical expenses. Everyone receives the care they need, regardless of their health status. The fragmented plans supported by the repeal and replace people cannot do that.”

Medical loss ratios affect insurance company stock values.

Health insurer Centene's profit beats as medical costs fall

http://www.reuters.com/article/us-centene-results-idUSKCN0XN14E

U.S. health insurer Centene Corp (CNC.N) reported a better-than-expected quarterly profit, helped by lower medical costs in certain patient populations and the acquisition of rival Health Net.

The company's health benefits ratio, or the amount it spends on medical claims compared with its income from premiums, improved to 88.7 percent in the first quarter from 89.9 percent a year earlier


Anthem Falls As Medicaid, Obamacare Results Pressure Margins

http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2016-04-27/anthem-profit-beats-estimates-as-insurer-s-enrollment-increases

Anthem Inc., the No. 2 U.S. health insurer, fell in New York trading as costs tied to its Medicaid and Affordable Care Act businesses pressured margins.

The shares fell 2.8 percent to $142.91 at 11:24 a.m. Wednesday. Anthem spent 81.8 cents of every premium dollar on medical claims in the first quarter, up from a medical-loss ratio of 80.2 percent a year earlier, according to a statement.


Comment by Don McCanne of PNHP
: Today’s message is just a reminder of one of our problems that the Affordable Care Act (ACA) did not fix. A well-functioning health care financing system should be designed to obtain maximum value by spending our funds on health care and not wasting them on excessive administrative services and on profits that add no value to health care. Yet ACA perpetuates policies that turn these priorities upside down, to the pleasure of Wall Street.

Centene is reporting greater profits attributed to a lower percentage of revenues spent on health care compared to the year before - the medical loss ratio decreased from 89.9 percent to 88.7 percent. A comparable medical loss ratio for Medicare would be about 98 percent - only 2 percent is used for administrative services, and there are no profits. Spending less on patient care and retaining more for Centene’s own administrative services and for profits, Wall Street deems to be an improvement.

In contrast, the percent of revenues that Anthem spent on health care increased - the medical loss ratio increased from 80.2 percent to 81.8 percent. For insurers to spend more on health care is considered to be bad news on Wall Street, and thus they punished Anthem by bidding down the price of their shares.

Since these insurers are giving us the opposite of what we want, why are we leaving them in charge of our health care dollars? Let’s fix Medicare and expand it to cover everyone. Yes, we would have a very high medical loss ratio - with 98 percent of our Medicare tax revenues spent on patient care - but it would be a much better deal for all of us - except for the insurance executives and Wall Street rent-seekers.



Health Care Industry Moves Swiftly to Stop Colorado’s “Single Payer” Ballot Measure

https://theintercept.com/2016/04/22/colorad-single-payer/

The campaign in Colorado to create the nation’s first state-based “single payer” health insurance system, providing universal coverage and replacing insurance premiums with higher taxes, has barely begun.

But business interests in Colorado are not taking anything for granted, and many of the largest lobbying groups around the country and in the state are raising funds to defeat Amendment 69, the single-payer ballot question going before voters this November.

The Council of Insurance Agents & Brokers, a national trade group, is mobilizing its member companies to defeat single payer in Colorado. “The council urges Coloradans to protect employer-provided insurance and oppose Proposition 69,” the CIAB warns. The group dispatched Steptoe & Johnson, a lobbying firm it retains, to analyze the bill.


As you know, there's a citizens' initiative on the ballot in Colorado this November to create a state-specific plan that will cover everybody, eliminate deductibles, and let the patient, not the insurance company, choose the doctor, chiropractor, hospital, etc. If "ColoradoCare" passes, it can be a model and an incentive for other states where people like you are working to get health care for all.

I'm happy to report that our early polls show us ahead statewide. I'm unhappy to tell you that our lead is not big enough to withstand the expected onslaught from our opponents. The insurance companies have funded a huge “No" campaign. The Koch Brothers are already running TV ads that say for-profit insurance is the ideal way to pay for health care.

So we need help. We need money…


http://coloradocareyes.co


Comment by Don McCanne of PNHP
: Without additional enabling federal legislation, Colorado is not able to enact a bona fide single payer system. However, their ballot measure - Amendment 69, ColoradoCare - would improve efficiency, equity and coverage through the health care financing system in their state. Strong opposition is expected since ColoradoCare could be disruptive to some of the well-financed stakeholders, especially the private insurance industry.

The advocates of ColoradoCare are now seeking support for their effort (link above). It will be difficult to educate the public on the facts behind their reform proposal. Even when saturated with facts, the public often remains dubious because of the prevailing anti-government and anti-tax rhetoric. It is a massive project to convert the majority of the voters into passionate supporters of such a cause.

In the meantime, the opponents know that their task does not involve educating the public on the facts. They do not have to engage the other side in a information battle over the truth. They merely have to appeal to the passion of the voters. Simple rhetorical soundbites are usually enough to convince the voters that they do not have to waste their time studying some complicated government scheme in order to know how to vote on it. Just look at some of the rhetoric of the opposition group, Coloradans for Coloradans: “doubling the state budget,” “diminishing accessibility and quality,” and “creating an unaccountable, massive bureaucracy.” Who would support that? No need to try to find out the truth.

This is not just theoretical, as single payer activists supporting ballot measures in California and Oregon can attest to. In both cases, early polling was favorable, as it is now in Colorado. But closer to election time, intensive campaigns were launched by the opponents using simplistic sound bites and slogans, and the results were a disaster. California’s Proposition 186 lost by a 3 to 1 margin and Oregon’s Measure 23 lost by 4 to 1.

So what should we do? I have three suggestions.

1. Contribute to their effort in any way you can. (Today I made a donation through their website.)

2. If the effort should fail (and I hate to say that), then be sure that everyone understands that this was not a failure of single payer, especially since it is not even a bona fide single payer proposal. Rather it will have been a failure in mobilizing a social movement.

3. Above all, do not let up in the least in your advocacy for a single payer national health program - an improved Medicare for all. That is the ultimate goal, and it could be accomplished in a single step without having to first enact compromised systems in several states. Difficult? Of course. But, in spite of many attempts, how many states have enacted single payer? In this age of advanced communications, mobilizing a social movement on a national basis makes more sense than trying to do it in selected individual states.



Health insurance now costs $16,000 for average family

http://www.nbcnews.com/health/health-care/health-insurance-now-costs-16-000-average-family-f6C10960584

The average family’s health insurance now costs about $16,000, and workers pay more than a quarter of that, according to a new survey.

But health insurance premiums for job-based family coverage rose a relatively modest 4 percent, reflecting slowed health spending, according to a survey of about 2,000 employers released Tuesday by the Kaiser Family Foundation and the Health Research & Educational Trust. (KHN is an editorially independent program of the foundation.)

Nonetheless, workers are likely to feel an increased pinch from health care costs: More than a third have annual deductibles of at least $1,000 this year before their insurance kicks in, while wages continue to grow far more slowly than health insurance costs.

Premiums for the average family plan topped $16,000 for the first time, with workers paying on average $4,565 toward that cost, not counting copays and deductibles, the survey found.

The average cost of a single employee’s insurance premiums rose 5 percent, to $5,884, with workers paying an average of $999, the survey found. Workers’ wages increased 1.8 percent on average, while general inflation rose 1.1 percent. The survey was done between January and May of this year.

Does single payer/Medicare for All sound good now?

http://www.dailykos.com/stories/2016/4/17/1515199/-Does-single-payer-Medicare-for-All-sound-good-now

How do drug companies get away with this legalized theft? In addition to lobbying Congress, they brainwash Americans into the false belief that they are receiving some benefit for an overpriced product. The astounding amount of money they invest in advertising and marketing is probative. Yet, Americans live no longer than most in the industrialized world.

Ultimately, the only solution is a single payer/Medicare for All system where drug companies are regulated more strictly than utility companies. If they find that too restrictive, research and development can be relegated solely to public universities, and manufactured by the lowest bidder.

Drug companies’ sole desire is to make a profit. Humanity plays no role. Why, then, should anyone believe they will perform any better than a university? Why not pay professors a high salary to develop products based solely on science without the worry of advertising cost, exploitative executives, and shareholders?

A single payer system would give Americans the power to demand this.

The Virtues and Vices of Single-Payer Health Care

http://www.nejm.org/doi/full/10.1056/NEJMp1602009#t=article

The substantive virtues of single-payer programs are compelling. But so are their political liabilities. Medicare for All, which aims to constrain health care spending, faces intense opposition from insurers, the medical care industry, and much of organized medicine. It would trigger fierce resistance from conservatives and the business community and anxiety in many insured Americans fearful about changing coverage and the specter of rationing. The ACA’s comparatively conservative reform approach inspired false charges of “socialized medicine,” “pulling the plug on grandma,” and “death panels.” It takes only a little imagination — or a look back at the history books — to predict the reactions that an actual single-payer plan would evoke.

Single payer would also require the adoption of large-scale tax increases. Although Americans would save money by not paying premiums to private insurers, the politics of moving immense levels of health care spending visibly into the federal budget are daunting, given the prevailing antitax sentiment. Furthermore, converting our long-established patchwork of payers into a single program would require a substantial overhaul of the status quo, including the ACA. Then there are the familiar institutional barriers to major reform within U.S. government, including the necessity of securing a supermajority of 60 votes in the Senate to overcome a filibuster.

NEJM Interview with Dr. Jonathan Oberlander

http://www.nejm.org/doi/full/10.1056/NEJMp1602009#t=article

When we look at the entire patchwork of the American medical care system and our insurance system there’re still so many holes in it, there’s so much redundancy, and it’s so inefficient. And that’s why the single payer idea is going to resonate far beyond whatever the outcome of the 2016 election is. Because when you have a health insurance that leaves tens of millions uninsured, tens of millions underinsured, that is beset by administrative complexity and is governed too often by profit, there’s going to be an appetite for sweeping change. And whatever its political fortunes are, and I don’t think they’re particularly good, single payer is going to continue to speak to those who are disaffected by what’s going on in American medical care and are looking for something different, something better.

(The full 8 minute audio can be accessed for free at the link above.)


Comment by Don McCanne of PNHP:
Although single payer advocates may be disappointed with Professor Oberlander’s conclusion that the best way forward now is to strengthen ACA and Medicare and to address underinsurance and the affordability of private coverage, we need to keep in mind that he has described the clear superiority of the single payer model, and that it still has widespread popular support. His pessimism is based on current political realities, which have been confirmed by over half a century of failure to advance comprehensive, universal single payer legislation.

Since single payer seems to be an imperative, why has it not been enacted? Oberlander writes, “Single-payer supporters have not articulated a convincing strategy for overcoming the formidable obstacles that stand in its way. Nor have they, despite substantial public support for single payer, succeeded in mobilizing a social movement that could potentially break down those barriers.”

He’s right, based purely on results to date. We have a lot of work to do.

My comment: Our biggest political problem is that most people do not get expensively sick. Many think they have perfectly good insurance, an opinion that is worth what their opinions on how good their fire extinguishers are--that is to say, not much. Only the 15% who account for 85% of health care costs in their demographic know otherwise.

News About Obamacare Has Been Bad Lately. How Bad?

http://www.nytimes.com/2016/04/14/upshot/news-about-obamacare-has-been-bad-lately-how-bad.html

Ever since passage of the Affordable Care Act, a fierce debate has been waged over whether the law would work as advertised. While advocates promised that the design of new insurance markets would transform the way consumers buy health insurance, critics warned that the new market would never succeed. Reed Abelson and Margot Sanger-Katz have had front-row seats to the debate, and the two reporters took a few minutes to discuss when — and if — the market would stabilize.

Margot Sanger-Katz: Every time I write a story about the health law, I get comments and emails from people just above the income cutoff for subsidies. These are the people who have been most hurt by the health law. Plans on the exchanges are just really expensive for them, and often come with big deductibles, too. And if premiums keep rising, they’ll keep getting squeezed. Analysts from the Urban Institute have done the math and found that some of them are paying more than 25 percent of their income on health care now. Still, it is awfully hard to imagine Congress approving massive new spending to make Obamacare more generous. Hillary Clinton has some proposals about affordability, but they don’t include expanding subsidies.

Reed Abelson:
One of the strengths of the law, and its main weakness, is its emphasis on keeping the status quo. While President Obama may have overpromised when he said you can keep your plan if you like it, the insurance isn’t radically different. The only way companies can seem to bring down prices is by narrowing networks of hospitals and doctors or hiking deductibles. While Bernie Sanders seems to be offering the most dramatic change by proposing that everyone switch to a government plan like Medicare, I’m still looking for a market response — some real change in how care is delivered that is much less expensive or at least more effective.


Comment by Don McCanne of PNHP:
Six years after the Affordable Care Act was signed into law we hear opinions ranging from what a phenomenal success it has been to what a miserable disaster it is. This brief excerpt from a discussion between two respected journalists who have followed the process closely, and who are well versed on the policy issues, provides us with a perspective on where we actually are on reform.

It is somewhat sobering. There have been some tradeoffs such as expanding nominally the numbers insured but with insurance products that further limit provider choice and shift more costs to the patients. Margot Sanger-Katz says that the health law “basically baked in all of the complexity and dysfunction of the pre-existing American health care system.”

Most of the system has remained about the same while the deficiencies introduced offset much of the gains. We are still left with tens of millions uninsured, tens of millions more who are underinsured, and costs that continue to increase in spite of the expansion of blunt financial barriers to beneficial health care services. Even employer-sponsored plans are beginning to deteriorate, especially because of higher deductibles and narrower networks.

Reed Abelson says that he is looking for “a market response — some real change in how care is delivered that is much less expensive or at least more effective.” Yet it has been confirmed over the last half century that markets do not work in controlling health care spending. Nothing in the Affordable Care Act will change that in spite of wishes that feeble policy measures such as ACA exchange competition, ACOs, shared shavings, bundling, wellness programs, meaningless rhetoric of quality over quantity, and other ACA concepts would revolutionize health care. The revolution is not happening.

So claims of phenomenal success or miserable disaster can be ignored since we really have not fundamentally changed the infrastructure of our system.
But with that background, we actually have failed: We failed to enact an Improved Medicare for All which would have met our goals for reform. We can still do it, you know.

My comment: ACA has helped many, but we have to eventually get to single payer.
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