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though an attempt at rebuttal would be a waste of energy
This first point is that the article has no definite thesis and it presents essentially no fact-based analysis. What it does, instead, is to compile a collection of vague accusations and innuendo, and finally presents something like a conclusion, which bears no real connection to most of what the author has said. This means that "arguing" with the author is pointless, because the author has never said anything distinctly enough to enable anyone to dispute it: rather, a number of accusations are implied -- and since the reader must infer the author's meaning, in order to disagree with it, the automatic rejoinder will always be that the reader is exhibiting his/her own ideological prejudices, rather than addressing the supposed argument of the author. This set-up is rather typical of wingnut rhetoric in the last quarter century
Rather than being bolted together by logic, the glue that holds this piece together is an attack on Jimmy Carter, who has been out of office for nearly thirty years now. Several of the major foreign-policy idiocies of the Reagan era -- Iran, Grenada, Nicaragua, and Afghanistan -- are laid at Carter's feet. Of course, the revolutions in Iran and Nicaragua were directed against tyrants whom US conservatives had long supported; and Grenada's Gairy (whom Bishop's movemovement overthrew in 1979) was a particular favorite of Nixon, yet another conservative rather indifferent to the human rights and well-being of people outside the US. The US foreign policy establishment had also become interested in the possibility of turning Afghanbistan into "the USSR's Vietnam" and engaged in considerable covert activity in the late 1970's with that aim in view
Reich then adopts the standard "We, the victims" approach, saying For the next decade, while working to reverse Carter's ineptitude, the United States paid a high price in lives, treasure and prestige. In Iran, Afghanistan, and to a lesser degree Nicaragua, the United States is still paying a price. It is difficult to imagine that anyone who impartially examined US behavior in Central America -- including El Salvador, Guatemala, Nicaragua, and Honduras -- could reach the conclusion that the US was a victim here or somehow suffered more than the hundreds of thousands of local people who became casualities of Reagan's wars, but such disregard for the facts is to be expected from Reich. One can doubt Reagan had any coherent policy towards Iran: on the one hand, that Administration whitewashed Saddam Hussein, in order to arm him against Iran; on the other hand, the same Administration armed Iran in a series of curious moves, which no doubt extended well beyond what is public knowledge. Reich then lauds Jeane Kirkpatrick's nasty 1979 piece, which formed the theoretical background for Reagan's policy of slaughtering Central American peasants and for opposing opponents of South Africa's apartheid government
All of this, Reich pretends, casts light on the Honduran crisis. But -- although he sprinkles the text with further references to Carter, and dumps Zelaya's name into a longer list (Peron, Fujimori, Aristide, Chavez, Morales, Correa, Ortega) of "famous Latin American presidents" -- he still does not produce anything like a coherent factual argument. Perhaps this is what conservatives really mean when they boast that they "name names": they mean they string together some proper nouns (such as "Peron" or "Fujimori" or "Aristide" or "Morales") referring to people with very different histories, views, and methods -- and then pause in triumphant self-satisfaction at the recital. Reich's vague accusations fly furiously, essentially devoid of content: Zelaya is "undemocratic, corrupt, and anti-American" and whoever supports him is kin to "Cuba's Castro brothers" or Chavez or "other regional delinquents"
The piece, of course, plays to minds stuck in an out-of-date Cold War worldview: the unstated by constant hypothesis is something like "If Obama doesn't support the Honduran coup, it's because he's an anti-American communist sympathizer like Jimmy Carter, who failed to support our good buddies, the Shah and Somoza." But Reich's rhetoric, of course, does not stoop to such an explicit statement: he simply hopes the thought will appear naturally in his readers' minds. Twenty five years ago, that might have worked; today, two decades after the collapse of the USSR, perhaps the old boogie-man will resonate only with an ever-dwindling population of former Cold Warrior
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