George Bush’s “War on Terror” has been the central political fact in our nation through much of the 21st Century since September 11, 2001. And it threatens to be a major if not
the major political issue through the 2008 elections. In any event, we know that Republicans are going to
try to make it the central political issue.
I thought that all eight Democratic candidates did a fine job in the
debates in South Carolina a few days ago. But I thought that two of them – Gravel and Kucinich – especially stood out as outstanding in providing some much needed perspective to George Bush’s so-called “War on Terror”.
Kucinich made it quite clear that he rejected the so-called “War on Terror” as a pretext for war; that he would make it a major priority of his as President to make the United States once again a law abiding member of the international community of nations; that arms reduction would be a major priority; and that diplomacy would once again become a major aspect of U.S. policy. Here is an excerpt:
The fact of the matter is that the global war on terror has been a pretext for aggressive war. As president of the United States, I intend to take America in a different direction, rejecting war as an instrument of policy, reconnecting with the nations of the world, so that we can address the real issues that affect security all over the globe and affect our security at home: getting rid of all nuclear weapons, the United States participating in the chemical weapons convention, the biological weapons convention, the small arms treaty, the landmine treaty, joining the International Criminal Court, signing the Kyoto climate change treaty.
The world is waiting for an American president who reaches out in a hand of friendship; who understands this is a complex world, but doesn't see the world in terms of enemies.
The minute that we have dichotomous thinking of us versus them, we lose the opportunity to be able to connect with people….
Gravel said something similar in a different way:
We have no important enemies. What we need to do is to begin to deal with the rest of the world as equals. And we don't do that. We spend more as a nation on defense than all the rest of the world put together. Who are we afraid of? Who are you afraid of, Brian? I'm not. And Iraq has never been a threat to us. We invaded them. I mean, it is unbelievable. The military industrial complex not only controls our government, lock, stock and barrel, but they control our culture.
Ok, Gravel’s statement that “we have no important enemies” wasn’t quite accurate. But more important in my opinion is that attitudes like that, if properly modulated, can become self-fulfilling prophecies – just like George Bush’s belligerent attitudes towards his numerous “enemies” have become self-fulfilling prophecies.
And with regard to Iraq, Bush’s so-called “front on our War on Terror”, Gravel made it quite clear that the war is a sham; it is un-winnable; the use of nuclear weapons against Iran should be “off the table”; and that another important reason why we should leave Iraq is that the Iraqis don’t want us there – a critically important point that I don’t recall hearing a U.S. politician make up until then. Here are some excerpts:
Well, first off, understand that this war was lost the day that George Bush invaded Iraq on a fraudulent basis. Understand that. Now with respect to what's going on in the Congress, I'm really embarrassed. So we passed -- and the media's in a frenzy right today with what has been passed. What has been passed? George Bush communicated over a year ago that he would not get out of Iraq until he left office. Do we not believe him?...
And I got to tell you, after standing up with them, some of these people frighten me -- they frighten me. When you have mainline candidates that turn around and say that there's nothing off the table with respect to Iran, that's code for using nukes, nuclear devices. I got to tell you, I'm president of the United States, there will be no preemptive wars with nuclear devices. To my mind, it's immoral, and it's been immoral for the last 50 years as part of American foreign policy…
(To Biden) You want to tell the Iraqis how to run their country. I got to tell you, we should just plain get out -- just plain get out. It's their country. They're asking us to leave. And we insist on staying there. And why not get out? What harm is it going to do? Oh, you hear the statement, "Well, my God, these soldiers will have died in vain." The entire deaths of Vietnam died in vain. And they're dying in vain right this very second. And you know what's worse than a soldier dying in vain? It's more soldiers dying in vain. That's what's worse.
So, Kucinich and Gravel simply did an excellent job of providing some perspective to Bush’s “War on Terror”. But they didn’t have much time. The best summary of the “War on Terror” that I’ve seen was written by James Carroll in “
House of War – The Pentagon and the Disastrous Rise of American Power”. Here are some selected excerpts from the last couple of chapters in his book, which he wrote in response to the 9/11 attacks:
Paul Wolfowitz’s vision predated and set the stage for Bush’s War on Terror In 1992 … Wolfowitz wrote a document called “
Defense Planning Guidance”, which amounted to the first articulation of a new post-Cold War military strategy. The Pentagon’s “first objective” now was “to prevent the re-emergence of a new rival.” The United States would become the world’s permanent and preeminent military overseer, maintaining armed forces of such overwhelming superiority as to be beyond challenge… It was a vision that assumed not only the maintenance of America’s global array of bases but the expansion of it. Not only the maintenance of America’s huge defense budget but the expansion of it. Not only the maintenance of the nuclear arsenal, but the expansion of it. The defense industry would continue to boom.
Wofowitz foresaw the need for a new doctrine of “preventive war”, interventions aimed at removing the capacity of other nations to develop, much less use, weapons of mass destruction. Rather than allow other nations to compete with us in our capacity to wreak havoc on the world – or even to deter us from exercising our will – we would simply act preemptively. Instead of depending on treaties and international law to establish and protect order, the United States would impose that order on its own.
To illustrate this vision, and to define its corollary, the permanent need for a massive American military, the Wolfowitz vision of 1992 described in detail an imagined war against, yes, Iraq. And the justification for such a war was blatantly identified: the
protection of U.S. access to “the region’s oil”…
The miracle that made Bush’s War on Terror PossibleAll that Cheney and company needed to begin to realize their vision of world domination through overwhelming military superiority, with special emphasis on unfettered access to oil, was an overt justification for it. On {September 11, 2001}, like a gift from the gods, that justification
fell from the heavens…
The abandonment of international law after 9/11It was often said that everything had changed in 2001, but the terrorist attacks laid bare what the United States was already becoming. That Washington swatted aside the structures of international law as a way to respond to Osama bin Laden was prepared for by its habit,
begun in the Reagan years, of dismissing international courts, ignoring treaties, and refusing to meet obligations to the United Nations and other transnational bodies…
The International Criminal Court, just coming into existence as America’s war on terrorism was mobilized, was an institutionalizing of ad hoc entities that had brought to justice genocidal culprits… The ICC, fulfilling the desire to replace revenge with adjudication, had its origin in the America-sponsored Nuremberg trials after World War II. Nothing embodied the genius of postwar American statesmanship more completely than this new court, and it would have been the best place to make world-historic cases against Al Qaeda, Saddam Hussein, and anyone else who defied the norms of international order. George W. Bush, in one of his first acts as president,
“unsigned” the ICC Treaty…
That the Pentagon regarded itself as a ready target of ICC prosecution seemed paranoid until revelations that American soldiers routinely abused prisoners in Iraq and that high Pentagon officials unilaterally rejected norms for the treatment of prisoners of war that had been set by the Geneva Convention. The jails of Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo were emblems of a new Pentagon lawlessness, but those revelations barely scratched the surface of
a system of legally dubious incarcerations that involved more than eleven thousand detainees held in mostly secret locations around the world, places referred to in
classified documents as “black sites”…
The incompetent handling of our war in AfghanistanAfter 9/11… there were plausible reasons for targeted attacks against Al Qaeda training sites in Afghanistan, but they were superseded by the need for a bigger response… Instead of going after bin Laden’s cabal with an internationally coordinated law enforcement effort, nothing would do but a large-scale act of war… American bombers began raining destruction on the villages and towns of the most primitive country on the globe. Meanwhile, the elusive
Al Qaeda slipped away… The demonized bin Laden himself disappeared. George W. Bush, with a sledgehammer the only tool in his bag, had brought it down on the table, aiming at the mosquito. The mosquito got away, but the table was destroyed…
Our war in Iraq is nothing but a gigantic scam and tragedyEach of the reasons offered for the subsequent war against Iraq turned out, in succession, to be false. No weapons of mass destruction. No link between Saddam Hussein and 9/11. No authentic U.S. concern for democracy… the ongoing American refusal to seriously reconsider its action, even as the justifications for the war were
exposed, one after the other, as lies.
Ironically, U.S. military actions, including the invasion of Iraq, were justified with the language of human rights… The true measure of humane treatment, of course, is taken by what happens on the ground in the countries at issue. In Afghanistan and Iraq, new levels of sectarianism, ethnic conflict, warlordism, drug trafficking, and radical Islamism were all evident in the broader context of destroyed infrastructure, widespread malnourishment, and obliterated civil society. Bush administration officials crowed that girls could at last attend schools ad equals, without acknowledging that, with rare exceptions… there were no schools for anyone to attend. The much touted elections in both countries were shams carefully managed by Washington… The two countries had been human rights nightmares before Bush’s wars, but the wars themselves –
destroying cities and villages in order to save them – hardly represented improvements in the lives of ordinary people. Even under the best of outcomes – if, say, civil war could be avoided – Afghanistan and Iraq were going to be decades in recovering…
In Iraq, despite America’s overwhelming military might, there will be no winning, ever. Whether the U.S. occupation is terminated abruptly or is maintained for years, violence and mayhem will define Iraq indefinitely, while the rest of the Middle East copes with Iraqi-spawned waves of chaos. Radical Muslim holy warriors, meanwhile, have been
multiplied by the American war, empowered by it, trained by it, and dispatched around the globe. When
bombs went off in London in July 2005, subways and buses represented only another front in the unnecessary war George W. Bush began… Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld, and the rest have on their hands the blood of those Londoners, the blood of each young American killed, and the blood of many thousands of Iraqis – all those who have died and will die in that misbegotten war…
The WOT, presumably undertaken to make us more secure, has made us much less securePreventing the spread of nuclear weapons… was the primary reason given for the Bush invasion of Iraq… Yet the concerns about weapons of mass destruction that justified the attack on Iraq, and may yet do so on Iran, are absurdly misplaced. When it comes to nuclear danger, Washington is by far the graver problem, beginning with its post-Cold War refusal to significantly downsize its own nuclear arsenal… to the Bush administration’s 2003
repudiation of the Antiballistic Missile Treaty and the 2004
deployment of missile defense, which motivated Russia and China to add “hair” to the hair trigger; to the Bush administration’s stated – and unprecedented – readiness to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear states.
Under Donald Rumsfeld, the Pentagon embarked in 2002 on the
stunning project of developing a new generation of nuclear weapons… The Bush administration’s attack dog, in charge of reviling the U.S. tradition of arms control as “decades of stillborn plans, wishful thinking, and irresponsible passivity, was the right wing ideologue John Bolton, whom Bush appointed (without Senate approval) ambassador to the United Nations in mid-2005…
The effect of all this… is to legitimize nuclear-based politics, giving other nations, friend and foe alike, compelling reasons to acquire a nuclear capacity, if only for deterrence, and prompting them to behave in similar ways. That pattern was fully evident in Iran and North Korea, beginning almost immediately after the launching of the Global War on Terror, and the pattern promises to show itself in “nuclear-capable states” like Brazil, Argentina, Egypt, Australia, South Africa, and others that long ago renounced nuclear ambitions. Meanwhile, Russia, China, Israel, India, and Pakistan are all
furiously adding to their nuclear arsenal. The Pentagon has become the engine of proliferation.
We come to what amounts to an ultimate betrayal by the national security establishment of its most solemn obligation, which is to provide for national security. The probing of questions about government failures before September 11, 2001, is meaningless when measured against the new jeopardy into which America was plunged by the war that Bush embarked upon… In late 2003, Donald
Rumsfeld said, in an internal Pentagon memo, “We lack the metrics to know if we are winning or losing the Global War on Terror.” This odd assessment from a secretary of defense… actually reflects the Pentagon’s interest in an open-ended war. Permanent war means permanent martial dominance…
The story of the Islamist Pakistani scientist A. Q. Khan is the great cautionary tale… Abdul Qadeer Kahn went from being hailed as the father of Pakistan’s nuclear bomb to being revealed, in 2003, as a trader in nuclear secrets, with such clients as North Korea, Iran, Libya, and perhaps Saudi Arabia… Yet… the Bush administration could do little because it had held itself hostage to Pervez Musharraf, the military dictator of Pakistan and Bush’s putative all. Musharraf was
disinclined to discipline Khan because, as the creator of the Islamist bomb, the scientist was a Pakistani national hero…
How many Khans are out there, and how do Bush’s policies enable them to operate? This question acquired special urgency in 2005 when it became clear that the Bush administration, still at the mercy of Musharraf, was tacitly allowing the dramatic
expansion of Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal – as if the most dangerous post-9/11 moment of all had not been the 2002 nuclear standoff between Pakistan and India… The nuclear nightmare that roiled the dreams of a generation, not that long ago, is back. That it was not necessarily so makes this development a crime and an outrage…
The China factorThe compelling but rarely admitted purpose of shoring up American control of supplies of oil and natural gas was reflected in the job histories of Bush’s policy team (for example, Vice President Cheney’s Halliburton years)… As America’s Middle East wars of the first decade of the twenty-first century unfolded, the stated focus was on Arabs, Muslims, and the threat of terrorism, yet the overriding strategic issue
remained the oil supply. And that meant Washington’s nervous gaze had to shift from the Persian Gulf to China, the world’s most rapidly expanding economy and America’s new rival. The inextricable link between the distant Asian nation and the Middle East is revealed in the fact that China’s largest source of foreign oil is Iran, and China’s dependence on Persian Gulf oil is expanding as fast as its economy, making it a direct oil competitor of the United States. In 2004, China and the United States together used one third of all the oil produced on earth, and their needs were
growing exponentially.
China, meanwhile, was one nation with the capacity to demolish the neoconservative dream of a unipolar world under American dominance, and as such it became the object of sharp, sudden suspicion… Bush administration alarms, twinned with policies to match, consistently pushed this new Asian rival away from economic and political competition and toward military competition, including an arms race… belligerent posturing designed to intimidate adversaries only prompts belligerent posturing in return; posturing fuels escalation…risking another cold war, but with a new wrinkle. In addition to a hostile, nuclear-armed China, these policies could lead to the reemergence of Japan as a military power,
now gone nuclear.
Concluding thoughtsWe are now on a road to World War III. The United States under George W. Bush and Dick Cheney has opted for imperialistic conquest and the rules of the jungle in place of the rule of law. Consequently, we are a pariah nation, and much of the rest of the world has recognized that and is responding accordingly. That is the context in which George Bush conducts his so-called “War on Terror”. I love candidates like Gravel and Kucinich for having the courage to place that “War on Terror” in a perspective which Americans need to understand