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The Health Care Bill that came out of the U.S. Senate two weeks ago has frustrated those who wanted it to be more progressive. The lack of a Public Option – either a new government-run healthcare plan or an expansion of Medicare – is an omission that constitutes a deal-breaker for many liberals. If the House can pass healthcare legislation that includes a Public Option, why can’t the Senate do likewise?
But in its recalcitrance, the Senate is working precisely the way the Founders had intended. One purpose of the Senate was to act as a control device to prevent legislation that might be enacted in the heat of the moment or in response to transient public pressure. In the Federalist Papers, the authors acknowledge that this arrangement may often be an impediment to passing legislation, but it was a feature that they deemed necessary.
So how is that playing out today, more than 200 years later?
In addition to the basic structure of the Congress, there is also the issue of the Senate Rules. The Senate Rules are not enshrined in the Constitution, but are nearly as difficult to change once they have been agreed upon by its members. For our purposes, chief among those rules is Senate Rule Number 22, which was adopted in 1917 and requires a (now) three-fifths majority of Senators to vote to close debate on a bill before the Senate.
Prior to 1917, a Senator had the prerogative to hold the floor for as long as he had a mind to, effectively suspending all other work of the United States Senate until the offending legislation had been pulled from any further consideration. The Cloture Rule put a substantial limit on the powers of an individual Senator, but it STILL requires 60 Senators to agree to proceed with a vote. Given the current composition of the Senate, this is no small hurdle.
We currently have 40 Republicans in the Senate who will, it appears, vote against any legislation supported by the White House. In practice, this requires that all 58 Democrats and two Independents MUST AGREE on any piece of legislation before it can proceed to a vote. If only ONE of these sixty Senators defects to the other side, then the Bill cannot advance.
Let that sink in for a moment – The Democratic Caucus is entirely beholden to Joe Lieberman to pass a motion for Cloture. And if that’s not bad enough, the Senate Leadership has to keep people like Ben Nelson and Mary Landrieu in line. One defection – ANY DEFECTION - effectively kills any legislation.
The other side of this coin is that if the legislation is sufficiently watered down to make it palatable to the “lowest common denominator,” there’s then the risk that any one of a dozen or more liberal Senators might defect just to kill what he or she might consider legislation that is insufficiently progressive. The simple truth is that in many respects, Harry Reid is one of the least-powerful members of the United States Senate.
In the run-up to the vote on Cloture, many on this board were recommending that the Senate Bill be killed rather than passed in its current form. This really begs the question: Why? Given the conservative opposition to even this lackluster version of reform, does somebody REALLY think that adding a robust Public Option is going to get a member of the Republican Caucus to defect? Is Mitch McConnell just biding his time and waiting for his chance to finally vote “YES” to a Canadian-style, single-payer system?
Given the composition of the current United States Senate, this is the best bill that we’re going to get. I don’t really expect you to like this Bill – there’s plenty about it to not like. There should be a Public Option, there should be greater emphasis on cost control, and the profits to be made by private insurers should be more restricted than they are right now. But each of those elements would have been grounds for one or more Senators to vote against Cloture, and there would have been no legislation at all.
It’s frustrating. The American people clearly expect Congress to do something about the massive costs of healthcare and the spiraling cost of insurance. Businesses are struggling with the cost of providing health insurance to their retirees, and families are losing their life savings while struggling with bills no honest man could pay. There is urgency to this matter that cannot be ignored.
But the political reality is that getting “Everything We Wanted” is not an option. It’s not, and there’s nothing that anybody on this Board can do to change that. Our only two remaining Options are “Some Of The Things We Wanted” and “None Of The Things We Wanted.”
You’re about to say, “Yes, but...”
Nope. Sorry. Senate Rules don’t allow for that. That’s why bona fide progressive Senators like Bernie Sanders and Tom Harkin and Al Franken are going to hold their nose and vote in favor.
This Bill, warts and all, is the only option on the table for this year. Now it’s possible that after the 2010 Election, we could have a larger Senate Majority. David Vitter (and his diaper) is up in Louisiana. Richard Burr just squeaked through in 2004 in North Carolina, as did John Thune in South Dakota. There are also 3-4 Republicans retiring in states that we could win (Missouri, New Hampshire, Ohio, and Kentucky).
But it’s also possible that we could lose seats in the next election. Michael Bennett is an unknown factor in Colorado. Harry Reid is in trouble in Nevada and Chris Dodd is looking shaky in Connecticut. Despite his longevity in the Senate, Arlin Specter’s job is up for grabs in Pennsylvania. A loss of even one seat in the Senate means that even with the “assistance” of Joe Lieberman, the Democrats can’t break a filibuster.
And so, quite literally, we’re given the choice between taking what we can get now and running the risk that we might get nothing in the future. Given the current composition of the Senate, the Bill could not possibly be any more progressive than it is. And given the uncertain future of our majority, we’re playing with other people’s lives if we simply trust that the next session of Congress will be more receptive to progressive legislation.
Hold your nose and take your medicine. It's going to taste awful.
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