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The polls have been garbage. One survey last week showed Hillary Clinton leading in Pennsylvania by 14 points. Another one, published the next day, had Barack Obama ahead by 3.
But if the weekend polling numbers are more accurate – a big “if” in this primary campaign – Ms. Clinton is ahead by between 3 and 5 percentage points on the eve of the Pennsylvania primary. Mr. Obama probably has an edge among newly registered voters and converted Republicans who might not be captured by the polls, but Ms. Clinton historically wins a majority of those who make up their minds in the last 24 hours.
Put it all together and it is possible to forecast, with no great degree of confidence whatsoever, a modest but respectable victory for Ms. Clinton in Pennsylvania tomorrow.
Which is as good as another defeat.
Despite Mr. Obama's lacklustre debate performance last week, his verbal gaffe about bitter rural voters and the latest questions about people with whom he associates– this time the questions focus on William Ayers, a university professor who consorted, four decades ago, with the violent Weather Underground – the Illinois senator continues what seems to be his inexorable march to the Democratic presidential nomination.
To trip up that march, Ms. Clinton has to win by an impressive margin in Pennsylvania, and then to export that momentum to North Carolina and Indiana, which hold primaries May 6.
Unless she pushes her margin of victory to 10 points or more, then her win in Pennsylvania will work against her, rather than for her.
A close result will not allow her to appreciably narrow Mr. Obama's lead of 164 pledged delegates. (This is the Associated Press figure. Surveys vary, because in some states that have voted, delegates are yet to be formally chosen at state conventions.) Pennsylvania awards one-third of its 158 pledged delegates based on the statewide popular vote. The rest are apportioned based on the votes within each Congressional district, with heavily Democratic districts receiving more delegates than ones that traditionally go Republican.
Ms. Clinton is strong in Pittsburg and the rural parts of the state. Mr. Obama has the edge in Philadelphia. It is entirely possible that, yet again, Ms. Clinton could win the popular vote but win fewer delegates. At best, her gains are expected to be marginal.
Without a big win in the keystone state, Ms. Clinton will be unable to stem the steady trickle of superdelegates – party bigwigs who get to vote at the convention – over to Mr. Obama. Ms. Clinton exploited her deep connections within the Democratic Party to amass a considerable early lead among superdelegates, who will make up about 20 per cent of the votes at the Democratic National Convention in August.
But as Mr. Obama has racked up repeated victories, that support has leached away. In February, Ms. Clinton led him by about 80 votes in the superdelegate count. Today that lead has shrunk to 26, according to the Associated Press survey. The New York Times has it down to 7.
If Ms. Clinton cannot energize her campaign with a big win in Pennsylvania, then the remaining 400 or so uncommitted superdelegates might start to take Howard Dean's advice. “I need them to say who they're for, starting now,” the chairman of the Democratic National Committee said last week. He wants a presumptive nominee chosen no later than June.
For many Democrats, June feels like a long way off. In the final days of the Pennsylvania campaign, the Clinton television advertisements, and those of a political action committee that supports her, have grown increasingly hostile, accusing Mr. Obama of a health care plan that would leave 15 million Americans uninsured.
The Obama campaign responded with an ad yesterday that accuses the Clinton campaign of endorsing “11th-hour smears, paid for by lobbyist money: Isn't that exactly what we need to change?”
The Republicans are writing it all down.
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Link:
http://www.theglobeandmail.com/servlet/story/RTGAM.20080420.wIbbitson21/BNStory/:shrug: