This is going to be a long answer so I hope someone reads it...
Here's the link to the exchange between wT2 and Wes :
http://www.tpmcafe.com/story/2005/8/29/94325/1284#comment-39349Here's Wes' full response to welshTerrier2's question, which did not mention the Iraqi Constitution, BTW:
On August 30, 2005 - 2:00pm wclark said:
Hi welshTerrier2--
Without question, oil is one of many interests that the United States has in the Middle East. Oil is what gives the region much of its significance. But oil is important to America. Until we develop energy independence, we're going to be dependent on imported oil and, increasingly, natural gas.
America's economic strategy with respect to oil is that it is a commodity, and the people that have it want to sell it because they need the money. So our primary approach until developing energy independence should be, if we need it, to buy it - rather than having to fight for it.
Were we to pull out precipitously from Iraq, and destabilize the emerging political efforts there, the consequences would likely be a steep jump in the price of oil and hardship for millions of Americans as a consequence. But the consequences and thus our interests go beyond oil. As I said in my comment to Jai, potential for a civil war in Iraq would be high if we leave before there's an agreement and the militias disarm. But it might not just be civil war, because the Kurds will likely declare independence, which would bring in the Turks and Iranians as well.
So though I was absolutely against going into Iraq, now that we're there it's critically important that we get out in the right way. That means helping Iraq put a new democratic government in place, develop the security forces it needs to defend itself, and ensure that the needs and interests of America and all nations in the Middle East are respected in the process, to minimize future regional conflicts. It's up to the Bush Administration to ensure that happens, and up to the rest of us to hold their feet to the fire until they act.
I've been scratching my head, trying to figure out how you get a call for "rules that benefit just us in the face of a growing India and China", "that he thinks that it's important for the US to get the longer end of the stick at the cost of the autonomy of oil-producing nations (eg, he thought that cheap oil for American oil cos is good for the US, even it means that developing countries lose the value of their natural resources)", "that the US creating a government in Iraq that was friendly to the US, that embraced US interests, was better than having to fight for oil", that he was advocating for "a nation that is not hostile to the US (in the context of Iraq)...as a nation where US companies benefit from the wealth created by Iraqi oil" as opposed to "a country where Iraqis benefit from the wealth created by Iraqi oil".
Even for you, it seems a bit of a stretch. But I think I may have figured it out, at least to an extent. From your posts, it seems that when it comes to US interests, you hold a belief that is a mirror opposite to what Bush seems to believe. Whereas Bush seems to believe that anything in the interest of any other nation must not be in the interest of the US, you seem to think that anything in the interest of the US could not possibly be in the interest of any other nation involved. Two sides to the same coin, really....
When you say that Wes seeks "rules for the world which benefit US interests," I wouldn't disagree with you.
However, whereas you seem to read that as rules which benefit ONLY US interests (and therefore, rules that exploit and/or shortchange everyone else involved), Wes has always been a "common interest" kind of guy. Maybe it comes from hard personal experience, you know, the kind you get negotiating a peace between seemingly irreconcilable parties (And, true, very few have that experience, which is one of the things that makes Wes so valuable, especially in these times.), but Wes believes that even the most irreconcilable parties can find common ground if only those involved are willing to try hard enough to find it. He's seen it happen. He's participated in it.
So, you see, Wes believes that there truly can be "rules" that benefit both the US and everyone else involved. He often speaks of how the actions we take as a nation will be viewed by those on the receiving end of those actions...
Here he was on Al Franken, on Sept 11, talking about the "regime change" in Iran:
Well, you know the President intervened and, and as I recall, so did Condeleeza Rice, before their elections and called for them to have a different government. Well, no, no group of people want another country to tell them who they should elect. And whether we agree that those elections were democratic by our standards or not in Iran, there were people over there who believed they were, and they didn't like the United States pointing its finger and trying to meddle, even in an open way. And there's a suspicion, of course, that there's a lot going on that not so open. But this has made it much more difficult to deal with the problems of North Korean and Iranian nuclear aspirations.http://securingamerica.com/node/1450 He was just on Fox yesterday speaking of how we can't decide how Iraq should be partitioned, because we're not the ones who have to live there, live with the day to day effects of the partitioning:
I don't believe we want to be the ones proposing this. The Iraqis are going to have to decide themselves how to survive. They've got to get along with each other whether there are borders in between that divide nations or borders that divide provinces or streets that divide Sunnis and Shias, or walls and houses. They've still got to get along with each other because there's no ocean that's going to appear between them. And secondly the process of doing this…can you imagine all these people being thrown out of their homes, chased down the street and having it 'made in America'? Why would we want to bring that on ourselves? We've got to work politically to help the Iraqis come to their own solution, not one made in America.....We have to be able to help the Iraqis make their own solution....Well, it was never my vision that we'd have a Jeffersonian democracy there but I do know that the President was extolling that Iraq is a model for democracy. A number of us warned that this wasn't actually likely to be feasible, that the invasion of Iraq wasn't necessary - it was an elective war. Now we're in there. What we need to do is let…work with the Iraqis, work with the neighbors and find the right way out. There is a way through this that will hold Iraq together as a state, will reduce the killing and will prevent Iraq from becoming a threat to its neighbors again. Dividing it in three parts, 'made in America' - that's not the way.http://securingamerica.com/node/1663 And my favorite, especially as it relates to your charge about "the rules that benefit just us", in regards to China and India...This from a Q&A session at the Council of Foreign Relations on Feb 14, 2006:
In the 21st century, do we want to live in a balance-of-power world, or do we want to live in a different kind of international structure? That's the question Americans have to ask. If you want to live in a balance of power world, you have to ask yourself, okay, now, China, their -- economic predictions say they'll have our GDP sometime, the equivalent, maybe 2030, maybe 2035; depends on whether you believe they grew 16 percent in a year or 9 percent. Nobody knows, and they probably don't know.
But imagine this. The year is 2030, 2035. The United States has 320 million people; Mexico has 140 million people. Mexico and the United States are still at odds over the Southwest border. And the American vigilantes on our side of the border are matched now by irate Mexicans who are tired of all this name-calling and the use of force and the threats and so forth.
And China, of course, at this point, has economic relations with both countries. China says, please, you all settle that quarrel; don't get into this because you're both valued customers of China. Can't you work together in peace? Would it help you if we deploy a couple of Chinese aircraft carriers off the coast of San Diego to illustrate that we really want you to solve this peacefully? (Laughter.) Of course you'd be offended, right? I mean, say, what the heck? That's what we're doing to China. That's the way they see this.
So it starts -- I mean, I don't think there's any objection to the United States doing defense planning and having capabilities-based forces, or even doing wargaming. I wouldn't have any objection to that. I mean, that's what armies and militaries have to do.
The question is, what's the national strategy? Are we simply going to perpetuate a 19th-century balance-of-power system in which, you know, right now, okay, well, let's line up with India against China. Let's work a different level of encirclement. For what end? Can't we work together to create international institutions, rules of the road, rules of conduct in international behavior that have enough support and legitimacy throughout the world that every single nation will find it in their own interest, through their own political systems, to follow these rules of behavior? And can't nations then band together?
We tried this once with the League of Nations. It failed because the United States wasn't part of it. We've tried it again with the United Nations. It's not working very well with the United Nations, in part because of the way the United Nations has constituted itself -- it's badly in need of reform -- and in part because of the fact that we as Americans have been very ambivalent about the leadership role that we inevitably have to take in the United Nations.
Now, if we didn't have a U.N., we'd be struggling now to create something like that. We need a different international structure, because we don't want to find ourselves 50 years from now or 30 years from now trading aircraft carrier deployments with China -- we'll move our two carriers from Taiwan, fine. Then these two Chinese carriers are going to deploy from south of the Hawaiian Islands to, you know, off Cabo San Lucius. Why? What are we doing this for? We shouldn't be in that game so let's try to change that game.http://securingamerica.com/node/607 Finally, back for a moment to Wes' comment in his response to wT2 about "a steep jump in the price of oil and the hardship for millions of Americans as a consequence." I don't believe he was worried about any hardship that would be suffered by any US corporations. He's talking about the ones who can least afford it.
I used to think that raising the price of gas to $5 or $6 would be a good way to force people to conserve on consumption until listening to Wes set me straight. I heard him speak of how those who could least afford it, those who have to drive long miles to get to a job would be most affected. I thought of that when I read in Saunders and Jarding's book about how the folks in rural areas have been screwed out of public transportation and so they are forced to drive their own vehicles long miles to get to jobs that aren't paying much. They would be hurt the most by a steep rise in gas prices because they can least afford it and they have no other options...
Me, in the middle of a city, with all kinds of public transport at my beck and call and owning no car, was thinking only about how it would affect me. Wes, as always, was thinking about how it would affect the least among us.