So, what kind of equality does the Solomon Amendment require? The equal treatment reading has to be the right one for at least three reasons. First, the amendment talks about equality in the "manner" of access, suggesting that what's at issue is process rather than results. Second, cases like Washington v. Davis make clear that—for better or for worse—the phrase "equal" in American law typically requires equal treatment, not equal outcomes. Third, if the statute entitles the military to actual access in recruiting, all sorts of absurdities result. Military recruiters who preferred to recruit at untraditional times of the year or in different buildings in the university, for example, would be able to threaten the university with the loss of funding unless the university agreed to specially accommodate them. Even the government purports to disown this reading of the statute, but it is the logical implication of the government's current position.
If our equal-treatment reading of the statute is right, then the constitutional questions raised in FAIR v. Rumsfeld disappear. The Solomon Amendment would not authorize the government to strip funding from universities whose law schools apply the same equal-opportunity policies to the military that they apply to every other potential employer. Law schools like Columbia, where we teach, tried to comply with the Solomon Amendment by giving military interviewers access to university facilities, but not to their on-campus employment recruiting programs. The universities weren't treating the military differently. They were treating the military the same way they would any other employer that refuses to hire gay people. In fact, many universities no doubt treated the military better than they would have treated another discriminating employer—anyone else would likely have been refused the services of the career-development office.
The whole article can be found at
http://www.slate.com/id/2131465/