As is true for most people, a satisfactory explanation of the mysteries of wealth distribution in our country and in the world remains well beyond my grasp. This is an issue that is not only of great
intrinsic importance, but also one that is intimately related to so many other tremendously important issues, such as the determinants of war and peace and the destruction of the world’s environment. So it is therefore extremely important to understand. Though I am very far from the kind of understanding of this subject that I would like, I do have a lot of thoughts on it. Let’s start with inequality trends in the United States.
Economic inequality trends in the United States The United States has enjoyed approximately four decades of
relative economic equality in its history. It’s no coincidence that this period coincided with the
greatest sustained economic boom in U.S. history. Nor is it a coincidence that it began during the presidency of Franklin Delano Roosevelt and ended with the presidency of a man who was intent on dismantling FDR’s New Deal, which had been largely responsible for the unprecedented economic boom and economic equality in our country.
FDR’s New Deal consisted of numerous statutes that served to greatly reduce income inequality and improve the economic prosperity of the vast majority of Americans.
This chart graphically shows the period of relative economic equality, which is denoted as the percent of income made by the richest 10% of Americans:

That period began in the late 1930s, as FDR’s New Deal policies began to take effect, with the percent of annual wealth made by the top 10% of Americans plunging from about 45% to about 32% (while median income greatly increased). There it remained until the “
Reagan Revolution” of the early 1980s, which was characterized by a concerted and largely successful effort to dismantle FDR’s New Deal. Under George Bush II, income inequality in the United States has now attained unprecedented proportions.
The current status of economic inequality and the role of the financial elites In the first chapter of his book, “
Rulers and Ruled in the US Empire”, James Petras describes the current state of economic inequality and the position of the financial elites in that scheme:
Within the ruling class, the financial elite is the most parasitical component and exceeds the corporate bosses (CEOs) and most entrepreneurs in wealth…The financial ruling class is internally stratified into three sub-groups: at the top are big private equity bankers and hedge-fund managers, followed by the Wall Street chief executives… Top hedge fund managers and executives have made $1 billion or more a year… At the bottom rung are the junior bankers of publicly traded investment houses (Wall Street) who average $350,000 a year… Today, the richest two percent of adults own more than
half of the world’s wealth…
Income ratios ranging between 400 to one and 1,000 to one between the ruling class and median wage and salary workers is the norm. Living standards for the working and middle classes and the urban poor have declined substantially over the past 30 years… Even the financial press is writing articles such as that entitled: “
Why Ordinary Americans have Missed Out on the Benefits of Growth”… In other words, the greater the salaries, bonuses, profits and rents for the financial ruling class engaged in ‘structuring’ for mergers and acquisitions, the greater the decline in living standards for the working and middle classes.
I am not against income inequality per se. If it resulted in benefits for everyone (as in, “a rising tide lifts all boats”) or if it fairly represented the amount or value of the work that people did, I would have a very difficult time arguing against it. But the opposite of those scenarios seems to be the reality of the situation. Petras explains:
One measure of the enormous influence of the financial ruling class in heightening the exploitation of labor is found in the enormous
disparity between productivity and wages. Between 2000 and 2005, the US economy grew 12 percent, and productivity (measured by output per hour worked) rose 17 percent while hourly wages rose only 3 percent. Real family income fell during the same period… Three quarters of Americans say they are either
worse off or no better off than they were six years ago…. The growth of vast inequalities between the yearly payment of the financial ruling class and the medium salary of workers has reached unprecedented levels…. In 2005 the proportion of national income to GDP going to… non-wage and salary sources was at record levels – 43 percent. Inequality in the distribution of national income in the US is the worst in the entire developed capitalist world….
So why has this happened? I cannot explain it well, but Petras offers some insights which I believe explain a lot of it:
Some dynamics behind the vast income inequalityFirst, an overview of how it works:
A vast army of workers, peasants and salary employees produce value which becomes the basis for… speculative financial instruments. The transfer of value from the productive activities of labor up through the trunk and branches of financial instruments is carried out through various vehicles… credit, debt leveraging, buyouts and mergers… The financial sector acts as combined intermediary, manager, proxy-purchaser and consultant, capturing substantial fees, expanding their economic empires. Finance capital is the midwife of the concentration and centralization of wealth and capital as well as the direct owner of the means of production and distribution. Finance capital has moved from exacting a larger and larger ‘tribute’ (commission or fee) on each large-scale financial transaction, toward penetrating and controlling an enormous array of economic activities…
Or, to summarize it in my unsophisticated economic language, producers produce goods and services and the financial elite, through a variety of complex financial mechanisms, find a way to… uh …. have the money transferred to themselves.
But how are they able to do this? Petras explains:
Two interrelated processes led to the growth and dominance of finance capital: the transfer of capital and profits from the ‘productive’ to the financial and speculative sector and the transfer of finance capital overseas, in the form of takeovers of foreign assets… The roots of finance capital are embedded in three types of intensified exploitation: 1) labor (via extended hours, transfer of pension and health costs from capital to labor, frozen minimum wages, stagnant and declining real wages and salaries, and frozen minimum wages; 2) manufacturing profits (through… transfers to financial instruments, interest payments and fees and commissions for mergers and acquisitions); and 3) state fiscal policies….
Note that the three “roots of finance capital” that Petras refers to all depend upon our legal framework – Laws that weaken labor unions, facilitate the transfer of manufacturing profits and determine state fiscal policies. And the financial elites have gained control over these processes. As Petras explains, “The financial sector writes its rules, controls its regulators and has secured license to speculate on everything, everywhere and all the time.” With respect to the political connections of the financial elite, they:
are linked to the judicial and regulatory authorities, through political appointments and contributions…. They organize and fund both major parties… They pressure, negotiate and draw up the most comprehensive and favorable legislation… They pressure the government to bail out bankrupt and failed speculative firms and to balance the budget by lowering social expenditures instead of raising taxes on speculative ‘windfall’ profits… Finance capital and its associated conglomerates wield uncontested political power in the US in comparison to their counterparts in any country in Europe…
Financial shenanigans on the international stage – Strangling the Asian TigersRemember the Southeast Asian financial crisis of 1997 – the economic collapse of the so-called Asian Tigers? Just prior to their collapse those countries were being held up as great success stories of globalization. Naomi Klein explains, in her book “
The Shock Doctrine – The Rise of Disaster Capitalism”, how all the big financial players of the world allowed this and made it to happen:
In the mid-nineties, under pressure from the IMF and the newly created World Trade Organization, Asian governments agreed to lift barriers to their financial sectors, allowing a surge of paper investing and currency trading…
As for the IMF, the world body created to prevent crashes like this one, it took the do-nothing approach that had become its trademark since Russia. It did, eventually, respond – but not with the sort of fast, emergency stabilization loan that a purely financial crisis demanded. Instead, it came up with a long list of demands, pumped up by the Chicago School certainty that Asia’s catastrophe was an opportunity in disguise…
Klein also explains in great detail the motivation for the financial elites wanting the Asian economies to fail. Here is part of that explanation:
If the crisis was left to worsen, all foreign currency would be drained from the region and Asian-owned companies would have either to close down or to sell themselves to Western firms…
The IMF was exclusively focused on how the crisis could be used as leverage. The meltdown had forced a group of strong-willed countries to beg for mercy; to fail to take advantage of that window of opportunity was, for the Chicago School economists running the IMF, tantamount to professional negligence.
To “take advantage of the opportunity” the IMF required the Asian countries to adopt a host of Milton Friedman’s Chicago School economic “reforms”, such as:
The IMF also demanded that the governments make deep budget cuts, leading to mass layoffs of public sector workers in countries where people were already taking their own lives in record numbers. They were now ready to be reborn, Chicago-style: privatized basic services, independent central banks, low social spending and, of course, total free trade… Indonesia would cut food subsidies…
The results of the failed Asian economiesKlein explains the human effects of the failed Asian economies:
24 million people lost their jobs in this period… What disappeared in these parts of Asia was what was so remarkable about the region’s “miracle” in the first place: its large and growing middle class… 20 million Asians were thrown into poverty in this period of what Rodolfo Wash would have called “
planned misery”… Women and children suffered the worst of the crisis. Many rural families in the Philippines and South Korea sold their daughters to human traffickers who took them to work in the sex trade… a 20 percent increase in child prostitution.
But it wasn’t bad for everyone:
It was dubbed “the world’s biggest going-out-of-business sale"… It was a preview of the kind of disaster capitalism that would become the market norm after September 11: a terrible tragedy was exploited to allow foreign firms to storm Asia. They were there… to snap up the entire apparatus, workforce, customer base and brand value built over decades by Korean companies… The truth is that Asia’s crisis is still not over, a decade later. When 24 million people lose their jobs in a span of two years, a new desperation takes root…
Klein sums up the lessons learned from the whole episode:
The forces of multinational capital got their way in Asia, but they provoked new levels of public rage, with the rage eventually directed squarely at the institutions advancing the ideology of unfettered capitalism… As a
Financial Times editorial put it: The Asian crisis showed the world how even the most successful countries could be brought to their knees by a sudden outflow of capital. People were outraged at how the whims of secretive hedge funds would apparently cause mass poverty on the other side of the world.
Concluding thoughts on different ways of looking at the ruling financial classPeople look at the distribution of wealth in the world from very different views, which I suppose characterize either their level of understanding or their basic human values. On the one hand we have conservatives like Herbert Hoover, Ronald Reagan, or George W. Bush, and so-called “moderates” such as Thomas Friedman who are apologists for the existing structure.
Friedman wrote a book titled “
The Lexus and the Olive Tree”, which is largely an apology or a defense of the currently existing status quo. In that book Friedman speaks of the IMF treatment of the failing Asian economies with much admiration, referring to it as “the
Golden Straitjacket”:
Unfortunately, this Golden Straitjacket… pinches certain groups, squeezes others and keeps a society under pressure to constantly streamline its economic institutions and upgrade its performance. It leaves people behind quicker than ever if they shuck it off, and it helps them catch up quicker than ever if they wear it right. It is not always pretty or gentle or comfortable. But it’s here and it’s the only model on the rack…
So Friedman and most all conservatives consider it bitter but necessary medicine. The straitjacket is not “comfortable”. Right, I’d say that 20 million people thrown into poverty is not comfortable. But Friedman deals with that by… well, he doesn’t address it. He simply says that there’s no other choice, without ever explaining how he came to that conclusion or mentioning the fact that the failed Asian economies were doing just fine before the IMF pressured them to adopt their preferred policies.
Then on the other side of the spectrum you have people like FDR, who see dramatic inequalities and accompanying great suffering and have a totally different opinion of it. FDR saw a correlation between the obscene wealth of the few and the suffering of the many. He called the ruling financial elite “Economic Royalists”. At the 1936 Democratic nominating convention
he said this about them:
Out of this modern civilization economic royalists carved new dynasties. New kingdoms were built upon concentration of control over material things. Through new uses of corporations, banks and securities, new machinery of industry and agriculture, of labor and capital … the whole structure of modern life was impressed into this royal service. The privileged princes of these new economic dynasties, thirsting for power, reached out for control over Government itself. They created a new despotism and wrapped it in the robes of legal sanction.
The hours men and women worked, the wages they received, the conditions of their labor – these had passed beyond the control of the people, and were imposed by this new industrial dictatorship. The savings of the average family, the capital of the small business man, the investments set aside for old age – other people's money – these were tools which the new economic royalty used to dig itself in.
Unfortunately, this whole issue is not understood very well in our country today. As James Petras notes:
Neither the Democratic Party majority in Congress nor the Republican-controlled Executive offer any proposals to challenge the financial ruling class’s dominance nor are there any significant proposals to reverse retrograde policies causing the growing inequalities, wage stagnation and the increasing rigidity of the class structure.
Until the American people wise up and start electing a lot more liberal/progressives to Congress and the Presidency, that’s the way it’s likely to remain.