In a
recent thread I postulated and put forth evidence that John Kerry may have been cheated out of nearly 100,000 votes in the 2004 election in Cleveland alone. The main two mechanisms postulated for this fraud were illegal purging of registered voters and electronic deletion of Cleveland votes from the central tabulator in Cuyahoga County. The evidence for the
voter registration fraud was a disparity of over 110,000 registered voters between newly registered voters reported by the
New York Times, compared with Kenneth Blackwell’s official voter registration data. The evidence for the electronic deletion of votes was based on a woefully poor turnout in Cleveland, compared to a much higher expected turnout, which in turn was based on the massive voter registration drive in Cleveland, some analyses from the report of the Democratic National Committee (DNC) on the 2004 Ohio election which showed some odd correlations in Cleveland, the identification of several Cleveland precincts with implausibly low turnout, and a good deal of anecdotal evidence suggesting very high turnout in Cleveland.
I started the thread by noting:
It was well known in the days prior to the 2004 Presidential election that a Bush victory was highly unlikely without Bush carrying both Ohio and Florida. As Election Day unfolded, spirits in the Kerry camp were running high, as it became evident that Ohio’s 20 electoral votes would determine the victor, and Kerry had a comfortable lead in the Ohio exit poll. Even CNN’s right wing hack, Robert Novak, acknowledged that it would be an uphill climb for Bush.
But as the results came in from Ohio, optimism in the Kerry camp began to fade, and by late evening their remaining hope was narrowed down to strongly Democratic Cuyahoga County, and especially Cleveland, where reports of large pre-election increases in new voter registration and exceptionally high voter turnout had circulated. But this remaining hope soon faded, as it became clear that the voter turnout from Cleveland was in fact miserably low, and by noon the next day John Kerry conceded the election.
Therefore, perhaps the most important question to answer in order to decide whether or not Kerry won the Ohio election involves voter turnout in Cleveland. Was turnout really a woefully poor 53 %? Or, was it much higher than that, comparable to the Ohio state-wide turnout of about 70 %? If the answer to the latter question is yes, that means that tens of thousands of votes were probably electronically deleted from Cleveland’s vote total, 83% of which were Kerry votes. Here is what I found:
Analysis of data used in the DNC reportOTOH obtained for me a slightly altered version of the data file that was used for the DNC analysis. That data file showed a voter turnout of 53.4 % in Cleveland, compared to 70.8 % in the remainder of the state.
In order to assess this, I first looked at comparative turnout in 2002, and found that Cleveland turnout in that year was considerably lower than it was in the remainder of the state, in about the same proportion as the official 2004 turnout data. So this comparison was of no help.
Then I looked at the correlation between turnout and the availability of voting machines per population, to see whether insufficient voting allocation in Cleveland might have been responsible for long lines and consequent loss of voters, as was the case in Franklin County. I looked only at counties that used punch card voting (which was the good majority of the state), since that is what was used in Cleveland. What I found was that there was absolutely no correlation between voting machines per population versus turnout, neither in the punch card counties as a whole, nor in Cleveland specifically. What this suggests is that counties that used punch card machines did not have a problem with long voting line waits due to insufficient allocation of voting machines – at least not in this election in Ohio.
Further investigation into the low Cleveland turnoutBut if voter turnout was so low in Cleveland, and if insufficient allocation of voting machines couldn’t explain that low turnout, then what about all the reasons for believing that voter turnout was much higher in Cleveland? Were all the anecdotal reports of exceptionally high turnout and huge voting lines in Cleveland based on fantasy? In order to investigate this I looked at data from the national Electronic Incident Reporting System (
EIRS), which received tens of thousands of Election Day reports of voting complaints.
This database contains 1,509 complaint reports involving long voting lines. Of these, more than a third, 548, come from Ohio. Of those, more than a quarter (150) come from Cuyahoga County, and of those Cuyahoga County reports which mention the name of the city, 46 of 75 reports are from Cleveland. Therefore, Cleveland accounts for about 6% of complaint reports of long longs in the U.S., compared to only a little more than a tenth of a percent of votes in the 2004 election.
Why so many long voting lines but such a low turnout in Cleveland?One theoretical reason why a city can have a very “low voter turnout” despite long voting lines is that insufficient voting machine allocation caused thousands of voters to leave the voting lines because they couldn’t afford to wait for hours to vote. This is in fact what happened in Franklin County (same election), which used electronic voting, where a study by
Elizabeth Liddle found that Kerry probably lost a net of about 17,000 votes due to this problem. But Cleveland used punch card voting, and we’ve already seen that the punch card counties didn’t have this problem to a significant degree.
To obtain some better insight into this perplexing issue I looked at the other Ohio counties that reported lots of long lines and that used punch cards for voting. Other than Cuyahoga, there were only two such counties that were characterized by 10 or more reports. Not including the 150 reports from Cuyahoga County, of the Ohio complaint reports that involved long voting lines, 61 came from those two counties: Summit (49 reports) and Hamilton (12 reports). So, what kind of turnout was reported in these other punch card counties that were characterized by complaints of long voting lines? Summit had 76.4% turnout, and Hamilton had 75.5% turnout. Furthermore, of the other 8 Ohio counties that reported any long lines to the EIRS database, all 8 had over 70% turnout.
What if turnout in Cleveland was similar to the other punch card counties that reported lots of long lines?What reason do we have to suppose that voter turnout was woefully lower in Cleveland, or lower at all for that matter, than turnout in the other punch card counties characterized by numerous complaints of long voter lines? None that I can think of, unless you want to base it on historical patterns in Cleveland. But that’s in the past, and in this election Cleveland was targeted by the Kerry campaign. So let’s suppose that voter turnout in Cleveland was as high as the lowest other punch card county characterized by numerous reports of long voting lines. That would be Hamilton County, at 75.5%, and it would amount to an excess of 22.2% turnout in Cleveland. Since Cleveland had 319,219 registered voters, that would mean 70,866 additional registered voters who voted. Since Kerry won 83.3% of the Cleveland vote, compared to Bush’s 15.9%, the net gain for Kerry would be 67.4% of the vote, and 67.4% of 70,866 comes to
47,764 additional net votes for Kerry if we assume a reasonable voter turnout in Cleveland.
But then, what about the additional 110,727 registered voters, as described by the NY Times? In my thread from early October I calculated that this would give Kerry an additional 54,628 net votes, assuming that all additional voters came from Cleveland. But if instead, we make the more conservative consumption that the percent of additional registered voters from Cleveland was just three quarters of the way between the maximum of 54,628 and the minimum (which would assume no greater percentage of new voters from Cleveland than from the rest of the county), we get 46,711 additional net votes for Kerry.
Adding the two numbers together gives
a total of 94,475 additional net votes for Kerry in Cleveland alone if we make the above two assumptions about voter turnout and voter registration in Cleveland.
Then let’s finish counting other known sources of lost votes in OhioThe above estimation of over 94,000 lost net votes for the Kerry/Edwards ticket in Cleveland leaves them about 24,000 votes short of victory if those votes were restored. The recent
GAO report gives official government sanction to what we’ve known for a long time – that there were numerous sources of likely fraud in Ohio which cost Kerry many thousands of additional votes. So let’s finish counting the votes that should rightfully have gone to Kerry:
1) Richard Hayes Phillips has shown that there were at least
16 precincts in Ohio where, due to miscoding of the punch card ballots, votes intended for Kerry instead went to Bush or to third party candidates, costing Kerry
an additional 902 votes. In addition, there is
some evidence that this same problem might have accounted for several thousand more lost votes in Cuyahoga County when individual voters accidentally went to the wrong precincts or were directed there. Several DUers have worked on this issue, including Bill Bored, rosebud57, kiwi_expat, and Iceberg. As Bill Bored has said on numerous occasions, this issue deserves more investigation.
2) My above discussion of Kerry votes lost due to probable voter registration fraud in Cuyahoga County addresses Cleveland only. It did not account for additional shortage of 18,896 lost voters from the remainder of Cuyahoga County, which probably accounted for an
additional 770 lost net Kerry votes.
3) There remain more than
106,000 uncounted ballots in Ohio, including 92,672 ballots for which the punch card machines did not record a vote for President (The remainder are uncounted provisional ballots). Let’s just consider the 92,672 uncounted ballots and make the conservative assumption that Kerry won those by just a 55%-45% margin. That would result in
another 9,267 votes for Kerry.
4) Let's add in the above noted and well documented
17,000 lost net Kerry votes from Franklin County, resulting from
purposeful misallocation of voting machines for Democratic precincts in that county.
Adding these lost votes to the 94,475 lost votes from Cleveland noted above, we get
122,419 votes that the Kerry/Edwards ticket was likely cheated out of – more than enough to make up for the total Bush margin of “victory”. But that doesn’t even count some additional well documented likely sources of fraud, including:
1) Additional voter registration fraud in counties other than Cuyahoga.
2) Electronic voting machines in Mahoning County which repeatedly
recorded Bush votes when voters attempted to vote for Kerry, and which involved at least 20-30 machines, as indicated in an investigation by the
Washington Post, resulting a loss of an unknown number of votes from the Kerry/Edwards ticket.
3) The late
addition of 19,000 votes to Miami County’s total, giving Bush an additional net margin of 6,000 votes.
4) Obviously we can’t count how many votes were lost when election officials in Warren County used the lame excuse of an FBI issued national security alert (flatly denied by the FBI) to
lock reporters out of their office while they counted the votes for that county. And in addition, there is a belief that these election officials may have had access to electronic tabulators with a reach far beyond Warren County. Remember, this incident occurred after all counties in the state had reported their results except for Warren and Cuyahoga. Congressman John Conyers has specifically asked if Warren County officials had
electronic access to other computers in Ohio used for vote tabulations, and to my knowledge he has never received a satisfactory answer.
Putting in perspective the scenario for a stolen Ohio electionThe above scenario shows how (and provides evidence for) more than enough votes could have been stolen from the Kerry/Edwards ticket to overturn the results of the Ohio election. It proposes that the bulk of votes were stolen by depressing turnout in Cleveland, the last and best hope for a Kerry victory in Ohio. And it is important to note that this scenario is in every way consistent with the latest analyses released by Warren Mitofsky and the Election Science Institute (ESI), which rule out certain types and magnitudes of election fraud.
The scenario mainly involves two similar mechanisms in Cleveland – Electronic deletion of the vote count and illegal purging of voters. It is important to weight the evidence for and against these two crucial events:
I originally got the idea of an artificially depressed “turnout” in Cleveland because of the great disparity between the woefully low reported turnout in Cleveland, compared to the great effort put into getting out the vote there and the many anecdotal reports that turnout was exceptionally high in Cleveland. Why did so many believe that turnout was exceptionally high in Cleveland? Because their eyes told them that lots of people were voting there (i.e., long voting lines). To confirm this impression I found that official complaint reports from voters about long lines were heavily concentrated in Cleveland, compared to other areas of the state, and that wherever else long lines were reported, voter turnout was quite high. Against the belief of high turnout in Cleveland is the fact that turnout in Cleveland is historically low. So, we need to consider which is more important evidence: Historically low turnout in Cleveland, or the evidence for high turnout in this particular election.
The evidence for registration fraud is simply the great disparity between reports by the New York Times of huge increases in voter registration in Cuyahoga County and other Democratic precincts throughout Ohio, versus the official figures released from Secretary Blackwell’s office. I for one have little difficulty in deciding which one is the more trustworthy source, given the numerous documented efforts by Kenneth Blackwell to suppress the Democratic vote in Ohio, as Documented by Congressman
John Conyers’ report. Against this evidence is the fact that my estimation of voter registration in Cleveland exceeds the voting age population of Cleveland, using 2003 U.S. Census estimates and voting age percentages from 2000. This suggests that it is possible that much of the voter purging from Cuyahoga County was legal and involved non-residents. However, alternatively it could be that city boundaries used for the census report were different than those used to determine voting eligibility. And even if some of the missing registered voters that I attributed to Cleveland came from other parts of Cuyahoga County, it is likely that those voters came from parts of Cuyahoga County that were heavily Democratic – in which case the final results that I calculated would have been similar. It is also of note that my conversation with a member of America Coming Together (ACT), who was heavily involved in registering voters in Cleveland, finds it very difficult to believe that so many of them could have been legally found not to qualify as eligible voters.
Two of the last important events to occur on November 2, 2004, in Ohio were the announcement of results from Cuyahoga County and the infamous lockdown in Warren County, excused by a non-existent national security alert, where election workers locked reporters out and proceeded with the vote count. Why did those election workers issue a false national security alert (Is that a felony?), and what did they do that evening? And why did election officials in Cuyahoga County undertake to obstruct the recount in that county, for which they were subsequently
indicted? None of these questions have been satisfactorily answered to my knowledge.
Thank you to OTOH and Bill Bored for providing me with valuable consultation in putting this thread together, and thank you to EOTE for exporting the data into a form in which I could use it.