Reply #48: Same Ohio Honda plant that was using prison labor to build their cars?

[NNN0LHI]

Union Labor And Prison Labor

http://www-unix.oit.umass.edu/kastor/private/prison-labor.html

Under federal law, Wackenhut was supposed to consult with
local businesses and unions before allowing LTI to set up shop. But
the Texas AFL-CIO was never consulted, according to its president,
Joe Gunn. Gunn too sports a huge Stetson and has a penchant for
string ties held together with a silver clasp in the shape of
Texas. But Gunn is no mirror image of Warden Comstock.

Wackenhut violated the law by not consulting with labor, he
charges, "and we're going to pursue it". He calls this kind of
prison labor "absolute indentured slavery. (Wackenhut) puts people
to work under conditions that we criticize China for."

Wackenhut denies any violation of the law, saying it followed
guidelines established by the Texas Employment Commission (TEC),
the state agency regulating such matters. But the TEC's guidelines
follow a rather crabbed interpretation of federal law. The TEC
claims Wackenhut needed to consult with unions only in the county
where the plant was set up. Since there are no electronic unions in
largely rural Caldwell County where Lockhart is located, Wackenhut
had no one with whom to consult.

The Texas AFL-CIO begs to differ. The TEC should have required
Wackenhut to consult with the AFL-CIO office in Austin in
neighboring Travis County, where 150 jobs were lost, says Gunn.

The experience of the Texas AFL-CIO and the laid-off Austin
workers explains why the trade union movement has been among the
most active opponents of private prisons and prison labor in
general. In a few cases, unions have successfully fought prison
industries. United Auto Workers (UAW) union members were shocked
when they learned that Weastec Corporation in Ohio hired prisoners
to assemble Honda parts. The company paid the state $2.05 an hour
for inmate labor. From that, the prisoners got 35 cents an hour.


UAW Region 2 Director Warren Davis says the deal threatened
union jobs even more than cheap parts imported under NAFTA. "No
smaller employer could compete for that contract with Honda", says
Davis.

Crying foul,the UAW Community Action Program contacted local
legislators, other unions, and the media. State Rep. Rocco Colonna
successfully sponsored bills in the Ohio House of Representatives
banning prison industries from taking over civilian jobs. Although
the legislation never passed the state senate, the pressure forced
Honda to eliminate the prison labor contract in 1992.

"Honda backed off", says Davis, "because they didn't feel the
negative publicity was worth it."