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In reply to the discussion: Jeremy Renner Ready To ‘Kill The Messenger’ In Film About CIA-Smeared Journo Gary Webb [View all]777man
(374 posts)246. 10.18.14COUNTERPUNCH-A Smoking Gun That
 Actually Smoked The CIA and the Art of the “Un-Cover-Up”
http://www.counterpunch.org/2014/10/17/the-cia-the-press-and-the-hunt-for-smoking-guns/
Weekend Edition October 17-19, 2014
A Smoking Gun That Actually Smoked
The CIA and the Art of the Un-Cover-Up
by ALEXANDER COCKBURN and JEFFREY ST. CLAIR
In late 1996, John Deutch, at the time director of the CIA, traveled to a town meeting in South Central Los Angeles to confront a community outraged by charges that the Agency had been complicit in the importing of cocaine into California in the 1980s. Amid heated exchanges, Deutch publicly pledged an internal investigation by the CIAs inspector general that would leave no stone unturned.
It is now possible to review, albeit in substantially censored form, the results of that probe. At the start of 1998 the inspector general, Fred Hitz, released a volume specifically addressing charges made in 1996 in the San Jose Mercury News. Then, a few months later, Hitz finally made available for public scrutiny a second report addressing broader allegations about drug running by Nicaraguan Contras.
That first volume was replete with damaging admissions. Far from being an exoneration, proved on close reading to buttress Webbs accusations. This brings us to the technique of the uncover-up.
Down the decades the CIA has approached perfection in this art. The uncover-up is a process whereby, with all due delay, the agency first denies with passion then concedes in profoundly muffled tones charges leveled against it. One familiar feature in the uncover-up paradigm is the frequently made statement by CIA-friendly journalists that no smoking gun has been detected in whatever probe is under review.
Hitzs report describes a cable from the CIAs Directorate of Operations dated October 22, 1982, describing a prospective meeting between Contra leaders in Costa Rica for an exchange in [U.S.] of narcotics for arms. But the CIAs Director of Operations instructed the Agencys field office not to look into this imminent arms-for-drugs transaction in light of the apparent involvement of U.S. persons throughout. In other words, the CIA knew that Contra leaders were scheduling an arms-for-drugs exchange, and the Agency was prepared to let the deal proceed.
In 1984, the inspector general discloses, the CIA intervened with the U.S. Justice Department to seek the return from police custody of $36,800 in cash that had been confiscated from Nicaraguan drug-smuggling gang in the Bay Area whose leader, Norwin Meneses, was a prominent Contra fund-raiser. The money had been taken during what was at the time the largest seizure of cocaine in the history of California.
The CIAs inspector general said the Agency took action to have the money returned in order to protect an operational equity, i.e., a Contra support group in which it [CIA] had an operational interest. Hitz also unearthed a CIA memo from that time revealing that the Agency understood the need to keep this whole affair under wraps because, according to the memo (written by the CIAs assistant general counsel), there are sufficient factual details which would cause certain damage to our image and program in Central America.
The 146-page first volume is full of admissions of this nature but these two disclosures aloneallowing a Contra drug deal to go forward, and taking extraordinary action to recoup the proceeds of a drug deal gone awryshould have been greeted as smoking guns, confirming charges made since 1985 about the Agencys role.
The send report issued by Hitz a few weeks later is even richer in devastating disclosures. The inspector general sets forth a KillingTrayvons1sequence of CIA cable traffic showing that as early as the summer of 1981, the Agency knew that the Contra leadership had decided to engage in drug trafficking to the United States to raise funds for its activities.
The leader of the group whose plans a CIA officer was thus describing was Enriqué Bermudez, a man hand-picked by the Agency to run the military operations of the main Contra organization. It was Bermudez who told Contra fund-raisers and drug traffickers Norwin Meneses and Danilo Blandon (as the latter subsequently testified for the government to a federal grand jury,) that the end justified the means and they should raise revenue in this way.
One of Bermudez associates in those early days was Justiniano Perez, who headed up sabotage operations for the Contra group. Perez, presumably one of the men Reagan was referring to when he called the Contra leaders the moral equivalent of our founding fathers, aggressively pursued a plan of bombings of civilian centers in Nicaragua and assassinations. He also developed a Contra fundraising scheme that, according to CIA memos, relied on kidnapping, extortion and robbery. In late 1981, Perez quit the main Contra unit because he didnt feel it was ruthless enough. The CIA desperately wanted to bring him back. A 1982 CIA memo asked if Perez could be influenced to employ tactics other than those used by terrorists. The answer the Agency apparently wanted to hear was no. By 1984, Perez was viewed as the only person in the entire FDN with the leadership charisma and military tactical ability to make the movement go forward in the manner CIA would like.
The CIA was uneasily aware that its failure to advise the Contras to stop drug trafficking might land it in difficulties. Hitz documents that the Agency knew that at that time it was obligated to report Contra plans to run drugs to the Justice Department and other agencies such as FBI, DEA and Customs. Nonetheless the CIA kept quiet, and in 1982 got a waiver from the Justice Department giving a legal basis for its inaction.
Hitz enumerates the Contra leaders (several dozen) the CIA knew to be involved in drug trafficking, along with another two dozen involved in Contra supply missions and fund raising. He confirms that the CIA knew that Ilopango air base in El Salvador was an arms-for-drugs Contra transshipment point, and discloses a memo in which a CIA officer orders the DEA not to make any inquiries to anyone re Hangar No. 4 at Ilopango.
Thus, the CIAs own inspector general shows that from the very start of the U.S. war on Nicaragua the CIA knew the Contra were planning to bring cocaine into the U.S.A. It did nothing to stop the traffic and, when other government agencies began to probe, the CIA impeded their investigations. When Contra money raisers were arrested, the Agency came to their aid and retrieved their drug money from the police.
So, was the Agency complicit in drug trafficking into Los Angeles and other cities? It is impossible to read Hitzs report and not conclude that this was the case.
CIA: We Knew All Along
The New York Times has taken the first step in what should by rights be one of the steepest climb-downs in journalistic history. We allude to a story by James Risen, which appeared on page five of the NYT, on October 10, 1998. The story, headed CIA Said to Ignore Charges of Contra Drug Dealing in 80s, must have been an unappetizing one for Risen to write, since it forced him to eat rib-sticking amounts of crow.
The CIA, Risen wrote, repeatedly ignored or failed to investigate allegations of drug trafficking by the anti-Sandinista rebels in the 1980s. Risen went on to report that, according to the long-awaited second volume of CIA Inspector General Fred Hitzs investigation, the CIA had concealed both from Congress and other government agencies its knowledge that the Contras had from the very beginning decided to smuggle drugs to support its operations.
Probably out of embarrassment Risen postponed till his fourteenth paragraph the information from Hitzs explosive report that should rightly have been the lead to the story, which itself should rightly have been on the front page: In September 1981, as a small group of rebels was being formed from former soldiers in the National Guard of the deposed Nicaraguan dictator, Anastasio Somoza Debayle, a CIA informant reported that the leadership of the fledgling group had decided to smuggle drugs to the United States to support its operation.
Thus does Risen put the lie to all past reports on this topic in the New York Times and his own previous story in the Los Angeles Times parroting CIA and Justice Department press releases to the effect that vigorous internal investigation had entirely exonerated the Agency. In that single paragraph just noted we have four momentous confessions by the CIAs own inspector general. One: the Contras were involved in drug running from the very start. Two: the CIA knew the Contras were smuggling drugs into the U.S. in order to raise money. Three: this was a decision not made by profiteers on the fringe of the Contras, but by the leadership. Four: the CIA, even before it got a waiver from the Justice Department, was concealing its knowledge from the Congress and from other U.S. government agencies such as the DEA and the FBI. Remember also that the Contra leadership, was handpicked by the CIA, both in the form of its civilian head, Adolfo Calero, and of its military director, Enriqué Bermudez. The fact that the New York Times chose to run this story on the Saturday of a three-day holiday, on an inside page, suggests considerable embarrassment on the part of a newspaper that has had a long history of attacks on those who have charged CIA complicity in Contra drug smuggling, from Senator John Kerry, to Gary Webb, to the present writers in our book Whiteout: The CIA, Drugs and the Press.
From 1986 to 1988, Senator John Kerry of Massachusetts probed allegations about Contra drug running and CIA complicity in same, and issued a 1,000-page report. Even while the hearings were under way, the New York Times belittled his investigation in a three-part series by its reporter Keith Schneider, who attacked Kerry for relying on the testimony of pilots, many of them in prison. Some months after this series was published, Schneider was asked by the weekly paper In These Times why he had taken that approach. Schneider replied that the charges were so explosive that they could shatter the Republic. I think its so damaging the implications are so extraordinary, that for us to run the story, it had better be based on the most solid evidence we could amass. In other words, it should be based on a written confession by the Director of Central Intelligence.
And now, over a decade later, we have a written confession from the CIAs inspector general about the explosive and the extraordinary charges, and the story ends up on an inside page on an inconspicuous Saturday.
Two weeks earlier, the NYT Book Review featured an article on our book, Whiteout: The CIA, Drugs and the Press, and Webbs book Dark Alliance. The author was James Adams, a Washington-based hack who used to eke out a twilit existence as correspondent for the Murdoch-owned London Sunday Times before transferring from that lowly billet to the ignominious function of relaying Agency handouts and news droppings from Congressional intelligence committees for UPI.
Adams leveled two charges against Whiteout, to the effect that there was no evidence that any Contras were running drugs, and that our book could not be taken seriously because we had not solicited a confession of guilt from the Agency. In fact, as long ago as 1985, reporters accumulated and published evidence of Contra drug running. Among these reporters were Bob Parry and Brian Barger of Associated Press and Leslie Cockburn in documentaries for CBS. So far as Agency confessions are concerned, Whiteout, completed in late June 1998 and published at the start of September, contained precisely the main thrust of the inspector generals conclusions in the second volume, now discussed by Risen. Hitz anticipated this written report in his verbal testimony to Congress in May 1998 where he acknowledged the Agencys knowledge of Contra drug links and also disclosed that in 1982 CIA director William Casey had gotten a waiver from Reagans attorney general, William French Smith, allowing the CIA to keep secret from other government agencies its knowledge of drug trafficking by its assets, contractors and other Contra figures.
Unlike the Washington Post, the New York Times never reported Hitzs sensational March 1998 testimony, and in his October 10 story Risen disingenuously fails to mention the 1982 waiver Hitz disclosed at that time. The omission has the effect of implying that the Agency was somehow acting in a rogue capacity, whereas the 1982 waiver shows clearly that the Reagan presidency was foursquare behind the whole strategy of concealment of what the Agency was up to. As we have written on the opening page of Whiteout, Whether it was Trumans meddling in China, which created Burmese opium kings; or the Kennedy brothers obsession with killing Fidel Castro; or Nixons command for more assassinations in Vietnam, the CIA has always been the obedient executor of the will of the U.S. government, starting with the White House.
For readers of the New York Times in its home port the newspapers climb-down was not nearly as drastic as in the edition distributed in the Washington, D.C., area. The edition available in New York City did not have the fourteenth paragraph (quoted above) nor indeed five other concluding paragraphs. Why? A Times editor simply chopped them off to allow space for a large Bloomingdales ad for a drug sale, thus confirming the truth of A.J. Leiblings observation years ago that the news diet of New Yorkers depends entirely on a bunch of dry goods merchants. The full story was also available on the New York Times website, but not on the Lexis-Nexis database, where it ends at the thirteenth paragraph, plus a bland and uninformative final three-line resumé of the missing material. At the time, the Nexis database was where most people looking for Risens story would go.
Alexander Cockburns Guillotined! and A Colossal Wreck are available from CounterPunch.
Jeffrey St. Clair is editor of CounterPunch. His new book is Killing Trayvons: an Anthology of American Violence (with JoAnn Wypijewski and Kevin Alexander Gray). He can be reached at: [email protected].
Weekend Edition October 17-19, 2014
A Smoking Gun That Actually Smoked
The CIA and the Art of the Un-Cover-Up
by ALEXANDER COCKBURN and JEFFREY ST. CLAIR
In late 1996, John Deutch, at the time director of the CIA, traveled to a town meeting in South Central Los Angeles to confront a community outraged by charges that the Agency had been complicit in the importing of cocaine into California in the 1980s. Amid heated exchanges, Deutch publicly pledged an internal investigation by the CIAs inspector general that would leave no stone unturned.
It is now possible to review, albeit in substantially censored form, the results of that probe. At the start of 1998 the inspector general, Fred Hitz, released a volume specifically addressing charges made in 1996 in the San Jose Mercury News. Then, a few months later, Hitz finally made available for public scrutiny a second report addressing broader allegations about drug running by Nicaraguan Contras.
That first volume was replete with damaging admissions. Far from being an exoneration, proved on close reading to buttress Webbs accusations. This brings us to the technique of the uncover-up.
Down the decades the CIA has approached perfection in this art. The uncover-up is a process whereby, with all due delay, the agency first denies with passion then concedes in profoundly muffled tones charges leveled against it. One familiar feature in the uncover-up paradigm is the frequently made statement by CIA-friendly journalists that no smoking gun has been detected in whatever probe is under review.
Hitzs report describes a cable from the CIAs Directorate of Operations dated October 22, 1982, describing a prospective meeting between Contra leaders in Costa Rica for an exchange in [U.S.] of narcotics for arms. But the CIAs Director of Operations instructed the Agencys field office not to look into this imminent arms-for-drugs transaction in light of the apparent involvement of U.S. persons throughout. In other words, the CIA knew that Contra leaders were scheduling an arms-for-drugs exchange, and the Agency was prepared to let the deal proceed.
In 1984, the inspector general discloses, the CIA intervened with the U.S. Justice Department to seek the return from police custody of $36,800 in cash that had been confiscated from Nicaraguan drug-smuggling gang in the Bay Area whose leader, Norwin Meneses, was a prominent Contra fund-raiser. The money had been taken during what was at the time the largest seizure of cocaine in the history of California.
The CIAs inspector general said the Agency took action to have the money returned in order to protect an operational equity, i.e., a Contra support group in which it [CIA] had an operational interest. Hitz also unearthed a CIA memo from that time revealing that the Agency understood the need to keep this whole affair under wraps because, according to the memo (written by the CIAs assistant general counsel), there are sufficient factual details which would cause certain damage to our image and program in Central America.
The 146-page first volume is full of admissions of this nature but these two disclosures aloneallowing a Contra drug deal to go forward, and taking extraordinary action to recoup the proceeds of a drug deal gone awryshould have been greeted as smoking guns, confirming charges made since 1985 about the Agencys role.
The send report issued by Hitz a few weeks later is even richer in devastating disclosures. The inspector general sets forth a KillingTrayvons1sequence of CIA cable traffic showing that as early as the summer of 1981, the Agency knew that the Contra leadership had decided to engage in drug trafficking to the United States to raise funds for its activities.
The leader of the group whose plans a CIA officer was thus describing was Enriqué Bermudez, a man hand-picked by the Agency to run the military operations of the main Contra organization. It was Bermudez who told Contra fund-raisers and drug traffickers Norwin Meneses and Danilo Blandon (as the latter subsequently testified for the government to a federal grand jury,) that the end justified the means and they should raise revenue in this way.
One of Bermudez associates in those early days was Justiniano Perez, who headed up sabotage operations for the Contra group. Perez, presumably one of the men Reagan was referring to when he called the Contra leaders the moral equivalent of our founding fathers, aggressively pursued a plan of bombings of civilian centers in Nicaragua and assassinations. He also developed a Contra fundraising scheme that, according to CIA memos, relied on kidnapping, extortion and robbery. In late 1981, Perez quit the main Contra unit because he didnt feel it was ruthless enough. The CIA desperately wanted to bring him back. A 1982 CIA memo asked if Perez could be influenced to employ tactics other than those used by terrorists. The answer the Agency apparently wanted to hear was no. By 1984, Perez was viewed as the only person in the entire FDN with the leadership charisma and military tactical ability to make the movement go forward in the manner CIA would like.
The CIA was uneasily aware that its failure to advise the Contras to stop drug trafficking might land it in difficulties. Hitz documents that the Agency knew that at that time it was obligated to report Contra plans to run drugs to the Justice Department and other agencies such as FBI, DEA and Customs. Nonetheless the CIA kept quiet, and in 1982 got a waiver from the Justice Department giving a legal basis for its inaction.
Hitz enumerates the Contra leaders (several dozen) the CIA knew to be involved in drug trafficking, along with another two dozen involved in Contra supply missions and fund raising. He confirms that the CIA knew that Ilopango air base in El Salvador was an arms-for-drugs Contra transshipment point, and discloses a memo in which a CIA officer orders the DEA not to make any inquiries to anyone re Hangar No. 4 at Ilopango.
Thus, the CIAs own inspector general shows that from the very start of the U.S. war on Nicaragua the CIA knew the Contra were planning to bring cocaine into the U.S.A. It did nothing to stop the traffic and, when other government agencies began to probe, the CIA impeded their investigations. When Contra money raisers were arrested, the Agency came to their aid and retrieved their drug money from the police.
So, was the Agency complicit in drug trafficking into Los Angeles and other cities? It is impossible to read Hitzs report and not conclude that this was the case.
CIA: We Knew All Along
The New York Times has taken the first step in what should by rights be one of the steepest climb-downs in journalistic history. We allude to a story by James Risen, which appeared on page five of the NYT, on October 10, 1998. The story, headed CIA Said to Ignore Charges of Contra Drug Dealing in 80s, must have been an unappetizing one for Risen to write, since it forced him to eat rib-sticking amounts of crow.
The CIA, Risen wrote, repeatedly ignored or failed to investigate allegations of drug trafficking by the anti-Sandinista rebels in the 1980s. Risen went on to report that, according to the long-awaited second volume of CIA Inspector General Fred Hitzs investigation, the CIA had concealed both from Congress and other government agencies its knowledge that the Contras had from the very beginning decided to smuggle drugs to support its operations.
Probably out of embarrassment Risen postponed till his fourteenth paragraph the information from Hitzs explosive report that should rightly have been the lead to the story, which itself should rightly have been on the front page: In September 1981, as a small group of rebels was being formed from former soldiers in the National Guard of the deposed Nicaraguan dictator, Anastasio Somoza Debayle, a CIA informant reported that the leadership of the fledgling group had decided to smuggle drugs to the United States to support its operation.
Thus does Risen put the lie to all past reports on this topic in the New York Times and his own previous story in the Los Angeles Times parroting CIA and Justice Department press releases to the effect that vigorous internal investigation had entirely exonerated the Agency. In that single paragraph just noted we have four momentous confessions by the CIAs own inspector general. One: the Contras were involved in drug running from the very start. Two: the CIA knew the Contras were smuggling drugs into the U.S. in order to raise money. Three: this was a decision not made by profiteers on the fringe of the Contras, but by the leadership. Four: the CIA, even before it got a waiver from the Justice Department, was concealing its knowledge from the Congress and from other U.S. government agencies such as the DEA and the FBI. Remember also that the Contra leadership, was handpicked by the CIA, both in the form of its civilian head, Adolfo Calero, and of its military director, Enriqué Bermudez. The fact that the New York Times chose to run this story on the Saturday of a three-day holiday, on an inside page, suggests considerable embarrassment on the part of a newspaper that has had a long history of attacks on those who have charged CIA complicity in Contra drug smuggling, from Senator John Kerry, to Gary Webb, to the present writers in our book Whiteout: The CIA, Drugs and the Press.
From 1986 to 1988, Senator John Kerry of Massachusetts probed allegations about Contra drug running and CIA complicity in same, and issued a 1,000-page report. Even while the hearings were under way, the New York Times belittled his investigation in a three-part series by its reporter Keith Schneider, who attacked Kerry for relying on the testimony of pilots, many of them in prison. Some months after this series was published, Schneider was asked by the weekly paper In These Times why he had taken that approach. Schneider replied that the charges were so explosive that they could shatter the Republic. I think its so damaging the implications are so extraordinary, that for us to run the story, it had better be based on the most solid evidence we could amass. In other words, it should be based on a written confession by the Director of Central Intelligence.
And now, over a decade later, we have a written confession from the CIAs inspector general about the explosive and the extraordinary charges, and the story ends up on an inside page on an inconspicuous Saturday.
Two weeks earlier, the NYT Book Review featured an article on our book, Whiteout: The CIA, Drugs and the Press, and Webbs book Dark Alliance. The author was James Adams, a Washington-based hack who used to eke out a twilit existence as correspondent for the Murdoch-owned London Sunday Times before transferring from that lowly billet to the ignominious function of relaying Agency handouts and news droppings from Congressional intelligence committees for UPI.
Adams leveled two charges against Whiteout, to the effect that there was no evidence that any Contras were running drugs, and that our book could not be taken seriously because we had not solicited a confession of guilt from the Agency. In fact, as long ago as 1985, reporters accumulated and published evidence of Contra drug running. Among these reporters were Bob Parry and Brian Barger of Associated Press and Leslie Cockburn in documentaries for CBS. So far as Agency confessions are concerned, Whiteout, completed in late June 1998 and published at the start of September, contained precisely the main thrust of the inspector generals conclusions in the second volume, now discussed by Risen. Hitz anticipated this written report in his verbal testimony to Congress in May 1998 where he acknowledged the Agencys knowledge of Contra drug links and also disclosed that in 1982 CIA director William Casey had gotten a waiver from Reagans attorney general, William French Smith, allowing the CIA to keep secret from other government agencies its knowledge of drug trafficking by its assets, contractors and other Contra figures.
Unlike the Washington Post, the New York Times never reported Hitzs sensational March 1998 testimony, and in his October 10 story Risen disingenuously fails to mention the 1982 waiver Hitz disclosed at that time. The omission has the effect of implying that the Agency was somehow acting in a rogue capacity, whereas the 1982 waiver shows clearly that the Reagan presidency was foursquare behind the whole strategy of concealment of what the Agency was up to. As we have written on the opening page of Whiteout, Whether it was Trumans meddling in China, which created Burmese opium kings; or the Kennedy brothers obsession with killing Fidel Castro; or Nixons command for more assassinations in Vietnam, the CIA has always been the obedient executor of the will of the U.S. government, starting with the White House.
For readers of the New York Times in its home port the newspapers climb-down was not nearly as drastic as in the edition distributed in the Washington, D.C., area. The edition available in New York City did not have the fourteenth paragraph (quoted above) nor indeed five other concluding paragraphs. Why? A Times editor simply chopped them off to allow space for a large Bloomingdales ad for a drug sale, thus confirming the truth of A.J. Leiblings observation years ago that the news diet of New Yorkers depends entirely on a bunch of dry goods merchants. The full story was also available on the New York Times website, but not on the Lexis-Nexis database, where it ends at the thirteenth paragraph, plus a bland and uninformative final three-line resumé of the missing material. At the time, the Nexis database was where most people looking for Risens story would go.
Alexander Cockburns Guillotined! and A Colossal Wreck are available from CounterPunch.
Jeffrey St. Clair is editor of CounterPunch. His new book is Killing Trayvons: an Anthology of American Violence (with JoAnn Wypijewski and Kevin Alexander Gray). He can be reached at: [email protected].
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Sep 2014
#134
10.01.14 ‘Kill the Messenger’ captures story of former Northerner editor’s rich life & tragic death
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Oct 2014
#137
10.3.14 LA Times --Jeremy Renner reflects on an unexpected Hollywood trajectory --By Josh Rottenberg
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Oct 2014
#139
10.3.14 Suntimes--Jeremy Renner plays reporter whose life was ruined after uncovering Iran-Contra
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Oct 2014
#140
10.4.14 Cleaveland Plain Dealer-Gary Webb and 'Kill the Messenger':Reporter played by Jeremy Renner
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Oct 2014
#141
10.4.14 - Two New Clips from KILL THE MESSENGER MOVIE - Gary Webb/Jeremy Renner
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Oct 2014
#142
10.5.14-The New York Times’s Belated Admission on the Contra-Cocaine Scandal by Robert Parry
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Oct 2014
#144
10.5.14-The Resurrection of Reporter Gary Webb: Thanks to Hollywood, Will He Get Last Word Against t
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Oct 2014
#145
10.6.14- Sac bee -‘Kill the Messenger’ sheds light on dark time for late Sacramento reporter
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Oct 2014
#146
10.6.14-THR- 'Kill the Messenger': Jeremy Renner Deconstructs Journalist Gary Webb's Legacy
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Oct 2014
#147
10.5.14- Michael K. Williams on what ‘Kill the Messenger’ says about the drug war
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Oct 2014
#149
10.7.14 Huff Post-Why Jeremy Renner's Kill the Messenger Role Is Like Rock Music by Nell Minow
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Oct 2014
#151
10.7.14 Roger's Review-- Kill the Messenger – Jeremy Renner & Michael Cuesta by Dean Rogers
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Oct 2014
#152
10.6.14 DEMOCRACY NOW-Inside the Dark Alliance:Gary Webb on the CIA, the Contras,&the Crack Cocaine
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Oct 2014
#153
10.7.14-REUTERS- For Jeremy Renner, 'Kill the Messenger' is a story that had to be told
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Oct 2014
#154
10.2.14 SCRIPPS MEDIA Inc, --VIDEO-Major Hollywood film has ties to Northern Kentucky
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Oct 2014
#157
10.8.14 YAHOO-Michael Cuesta's "Kill the Messenger" deserves your attention this weekend.
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Oct 2014
#159
10.8.14 Jeremy Renner - Dead Journalist's Family Stunned By Jeremy Renner's Portrayal
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Oct 2014
#160
10.8.14 COLLIDER--Jeremy Renner Talks KILL THE MESSENGER, Balancing Fact and Fiction, Why He Wanted
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Oct 2014
#161
10.8.14-INDIEWIRE-Jeremy Renner on How His Famous Friends Helped 'Kill the Messenger'
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Oct 2014
#162
10.9.14-DALLAS OBSERVER-The Tragedy of Gary Webb Stings Even When Kill the Messenger Flags
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Oct 2014
#163
10.9.14- BUFFALO NEWS-Film depicts reporter’s efforts to break CIA-Contra affair by Jeff Simon
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Oct 2014
#164
10.9.14 NARCONEWS-Distribute this Exciting Flyer and Become a Narco News Messenger
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Oct 2014
#167
10.2.14-NY TIMES-Resurrecting a Disgraced Reporter ‘Kill the Messenger’ Recalls a Reporter Wrongly D
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Oct 2014
#169
10.9.14 Washington POST-‘Kill the Messenger’ movie review: Sticking to Gary Webb’s story
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Oct 2014
#172
10.9.14 NY POST-‘Kill the Messenger’turns journalist into unconvincing hero by Kyle Smith
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Oct 2014
#175
10.10.14 Pittsburgh Post Gazette- review: 'Messenger' fascinating but sobering by Barbara Vanchen
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Oct 2014
#177
10.9.14 LA TIMES -'Kill the Messenger' a cautionary tale for crusading reporters
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Oct 2014
#182
10.9.14-EXAMINER.COM-Jeremy Renner still missing "it" factor in 'Kill the Messenger'
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Oct 2014
#183
10.9.14 HOUSTON CHRONICLE-Kill the Messenger' raises as many questions as it answers by Mick LaSalle
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Oct 2014
#185
10.9.14 Journal Sentinal-Kill the Messenger' tells tale of reporter's clash with CIA by Duane Dudeck
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Oct 2014
#186
10.10.14 Jeremy Renner Says 'Kill the Messenger' Hits Close to Home:"It Became Something I Had to G
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Oct 2014
#196
10.10.14 Jeremy Renner Was So Invested In 'Kill The Messenger,' He Created A Company To Make It
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Oct 2014
#197
Jeremy Renner, Michael Cuesta Spotlight Gary Webb’s Story and Family at ‘Kill the Messenger’ Premier
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Oct 2014
#199
10.12.14CNN(VID)Interview with Jeremy Renner& Michael Cuesta 11am "Reliable Sources" Show
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Oct 2014
#203
10.10.14 Washington Post Still Trashing Gary WEBB- article by Kristen Page Kirby
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Oct 2014
#211
10.12.14 Jeremy Renner,Michael K.Williams, Michael Cuesta Attend ‘Kill The Messenger’ Screening
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Oct 2014
#215
10.9.14DEMOCRACY NOW-"Kill the Messenger" Resurrects Gary Webb, Journalist Maligned for Exposing CIA
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Oct 2014
#216
10.12.14 EXAMINER-Exclusive:Jeremy Renner and author Nick Schou talk 'Kill The Me
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Oct 2014
#217
10.12.14-HawaiiReporter-'Kill the Messenger' Puts Integrity of US Media in Question
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Oct 2014
#218
10.12.14 Philly.com-Gary Webb, Jon Stewart, and the stories that are just too true to tell
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Oct 2014
#219
10.10.14HUFF POST KillThe Messenger:How The Media Destroyed Gary Webb by Ryan Grimm
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Oct 2014
#220
10.11.14-MSNBC- Were there ties between CIA and drug deals? Nick Schou Interview w/Betty Nguyen
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Oct 2014
#221
10.13.14-We have to stop killing any 'Messenger' that dares to expose government corruption
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Oct 2014
#222
10.13.14 NARCONEWS-P3-Gary Webb "You Could Read this Story Anywhere in the World"
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Oct 2014
#223
10.14.14NATION-Gary Webb,a Very Fine Journalist Who Deserved Better Than He Got by Alexander Cockurn
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Oct 2014
#224
Almost 20 Yrs After Gary Webb Revealed CIA’s Role in the Crack Epidemic, Some of us Still Can’t
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Oct 2014
#226
10.14.14 OnMilwaukee-"Kill the Messenger"uncovers a solid movie in hunt for truth (and Oscars)
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Oct 2014
#233
10.10.14 ‘Kill The Messenger’ Movie Revisits the CIA and How Crack-Cocaine Exploded in the US
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Oct 2014
#236
Former kingpin Rick Ross talks Gary Webb’s death, C.I.A. complicity, and new doc ‘Freeway: Crack in
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Oct 2014
#239
10.18.14COUNTERPUNCH-A Smoking Gun That
 Actually Smoked The CIA and the Art of the “Un-Cover-Up”
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Oct 2014
#246
10.13.14-ALJAZEERA-film based on Gary Webb’s book ‘Dark Alliance,’ involving drugs, the CIA and Nic
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Oct 2014
#248
10.17.14-MSNBC(VID)Chris Hayes interviews Academy Award Nominee Jeremy Renner about his new movie.
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Oct 2014
#249
10.17.14-CLN-(VID)Jeremy Renner’s ‘Kill the Messenger’ Exposes CIA Cocaine Trafficking
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Oct 2014
#250
10.17.14 WSWS.ORG-Kill the Messenger: Shedding light on CIA criminality and conspiracy
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Oct 2014
#251
10.20.14TICOTIMES-Reviving the messenger:Gary Webb’s tale on film by NORMAN STOCKWELL
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Oct 2014
#265
10.20.14HUFF POST-The Gary Webb Story:Still Killing the Messenger by JOSEPH A. PALERMO
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Oct 2014
#267
10.10.14 ESQUIRE-Jeremy Renner Talks Inhabiting the Role of Investigative Journalist Gary Webb
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Oct 2014
#268
10.10.14 ESQUIRE-How Gary Webb Died A few words on the man portrayed in Kill the Messenge
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Oct 2014
#269
10.20.14 FIUSM-“Kill the Messenger,” a film about honest morality By Rafael Abreu
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Oct 2014
#270
10.19.14 THE FASHIONISTO-Jeremy Renner Dons Dolce & Gabbana Pinstripe Suit for ‘KTM’ Screening
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Oct 2014
#271
10.21.14 FAIR-A 'Worthless and Whiny' Attack on a Genuine Journalistic Hero by Peter Hart
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Oct 2014
#273
10.20.14 VULTURE-A Reporter Gets Torn Apart by His Own in Kill the Messenger By David Edelstein
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Oct 2014
#276
Looking Back--CH 1 Whiteout The CIA, Drugs and the Press By ALEXANDER COCKBURN and JEFFREY ST. CLAIR
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Oct 2014
#278
10.18.14 Killing the messenger — again: New film arouses new ire from big media
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Oct 2014
#279
10.24.14SMH-Kill the Messenger is a quietly intense tale of a journalist and his investigation.
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Oct 2014
#280
10.24.14 WASH POST-Undue criticism of Gary Webb by Jeff Epton (Letter to the editor)
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Oct 2014
#285
10.25.14 SALON-From Gary Webb to James Risen: The struggle for the soul of journalism
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Oct 2014
#287
10.19.14 CEPR-In Context of Accusations of CIA Drug Smuggling, WaPo Calls $10 Million a Week "Relati
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Oct 2014
#291
10.29.14 HeraldSun-Jeremy Renner’s crusading reporter Gary Webb wins over audience in movie KTM
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Oct 2014
#294
10.29.14 Robert Parry is RIGHT AGAIN- NYT-Nazi's used by FBI.CIA, sheltered in the USA
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Oct 2014
#295
10.21.14MOTHER JONES-We Spent $7.6 Billion to Crush the Afghan Opium Trade—and It's Doing Better Tha
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Nov 2014
#297
10.25.14 AL JAZEERA-The decline of journalism from Watergate to 'Dark Alliance'
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Nov 2014
#298
11.2.14 SMH-Kill the Messenger review: Competent telling of Gary Webb's story shuns detail
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Nov 2014
#303
11.9.14 OFF TOPIC- The Insane Story Behind The Largest Drug Cash Seizure Of All Time – $226 Million
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Nov 2014
#308
11.12.14 EXAMINER- "Kill The Messenger" is important; Jeremy Renner compelling in it
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Nov 2014
#309
11.14.14-TRUTHOUT-"Kill the Messenger" Kills a Chance to Comment on Real Reagan Atrocities
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Nov 2014
#312
11.17.14 SALON-Reagan’s hip-hop nightmare: How an ugly cocaine controversy reignited 30 years later
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Nov 2014
#314
12.04.14 A friend remembers investigative journalist Gary Webb on the 10th anniversary of his death
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Dec 2014
#319
12-16-14 EDITOR &PUBLISHER-Business of News: An Editor with No Regrets-JERRY CEPPOS
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Dec 2014
#322
7/1/15 L.A. DEA Agent Unraveled the CIA's Alleged Role in the Murder of Kiki Camarena
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Jul 2015
#331
4.17.15 Tucson Sentinal "Why Chuck Bowden's final story took 16 years to write"
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Aug 2015
#332
7/28/15-German documentary-'butcher of Lyon' Klaus Barbie became a fixer for drug lords
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Sep 2015
#334
11/14/15 CIA-NUGAN HAND BANKER FOUND ALIVE 35 YEARS LATER - John Michael Hand Found in Idaho
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Nov 2015
#336
11/6/15 VIDEO- Michael Hand vanished in 1980 amid rumors of CIA and organized crime involvement deal
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Nov 2015
#339
12/17/15-ProPublica,David Epstein, Devils, Deals and the DEA Why Chapo Guzman was the biggest winner
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Dec 2015
#342
Danilo Blandon Smiled when asked if he had been tipped off about the 1986 raid - Mark Levin
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Jan 2016
#343
Creating a Crime: How the CIA Commandeered the DEA September 11, 2015 by Douglas Valentine
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Jan 2016
#346
Bank Records Seized at Blandon's House Revealed U.S. Treasury/State Accounts with 9 Million Balance
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Jan 2016
#347